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PRESENTED BT

ROYAL C5NTARig;MUSEUMl

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ARCHAEOLOGY*

THE

NUMISM ATIC .CHRON ICLE,
fit

AND

JOURNAL OF THE NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.;?

EDITED BY

JOHN YONGE AKERMAN,

FELLOW AND SECRETARY OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES OF LONDON.

VOL. XVIII.

APJilL. 1*55.-

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'V;^'

!s>5.— .IANUAKY, 1856. *\ j'^M

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Factura abiit — monumenta manent. — Ov.

LONDON:
JOHN RUSSELL SMITH, 36, SOHO SQUARE.

SOLD AT^O BY M. ROLLIN, RUE VIVIENNE, NO. 12, PARIS.
M.DOOC.tV]

Y.I8
641 17G

LONDON:

rftlHTBD »r WBRTIIKIMKK AMI CO
CIIICV* FLACK, CIS-HI •>»

C. A. HOLMBOE,

PROFESSOR OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE,

IN THE

UNIVERSITY OF CHRISTIANIA,
A PRACTICAL NUMISMATIST,

> THIS,

OUR EIGHTEENTH VOLUME,

IS
INSCRIBED.

CONTENTS.

ANCIENT NUMISMATICS.

Page
Notice of Regal Coins of Mesopotamia. By W. H. Scott . 1

On the Coins of Cunobeline with TASCIOVANI. By John

Evans . . . . % ,U. . . .36

On Rare and Unpublished Ancient British Coins. By John

Evans 44

Explanation of a Type of Arsaces XXX. By W. H. Scott 85

Coins of the Celtic Kings of England. By Rev. B. Poste 105

Unpublished Coin of Vespasi in. By J. B. Bergne . > . 115
On some Coins, chiefly Greek, brought from the East. By

W. S.W.Vaux ....... ;«m; i . 137

On the Attribution of certain British Coins to Addedomaros.

By John Evans ....... 155

Coinage of the Ancient Celtic Kings of Britain By John

Evans . ~ 161

On the Coins of Germanus By S. Birch. .-..,• • 165

MEDIEVAL AND MODERN NUMISMATICS.
On a Silver Coin of Berengarius II. By J. G. Pfister . 57
Medallic Tickets. By B. Nightingale .... 89

CONTENTS.

lage
Gold Jetton of Edward VI. By J. B. Bergne . 115

On some Foreign or Counterfeit Sterlings. By J. B. Bergne 121

Coins in the King of Denmark's Cabinet. By R. Sainthill

and Ludvig Loessoe . . . . . .129

ORIENTAL NUMISMATICS.

Unpublished Rupee of William IV. By R. Sainthill . 75
Period of the Coins of Ceylon. By W. H. Scctt . . 83

DISCOVERIES OF COINS.
Of Gold Ornaments and Roman Coins in Hanover . . 54

MISCELLANEA.

Ancient Coins of Lycia. By Sir C. Fellowes ... 87

Miscellaneous Rectifications in Greek Numismatics. By

W. H. Scott 119

On certain Terms in Numismatics. By G. Sparkes : .173

PROCEEDINGS OF THE NUMISMATIC
SOCIETY.

SESSION 1854—55.

November 23, 1854.
W. DEVONSHIRE SAULL, ESQ., in the Chan*.

The following presents, received during the recess, were an-
nounced, and laid on the table :

PRESENTED BY
Me"moires de la Societe des Antiquaires de ")

Picardie. Tome XIII. 8vo. pp. 700. Paris v THE SOCIETY.
and Amiens, 1854. J

Bulletin of ditto. Nos. 2, 3, 4 for 1853, and
Nos. 1 and 2 for 1854. 8vo. Amiens.

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. Vol. XVI.
Part 1. 8vo. 1854.

A Descriptive Catalogue of the Historical
Manuscripts in the Arabic and Persian Lan-
guages, preserved in the Library of the
Royal Asiatic Society. By William H. Mor-
ley, F.R.A.S. 8vo. pp.160. 1854.

Archaeologia ^Eliana (Transactions of the Anti-
quarian Society of Newcastle). Vol. IV.
Parts 1, 2, 3. 4to. 1846—54.

Collectanea Antiqua. Vol. III., Parts 3 and 4,

completing' the Volume. 8vo. pp. 278,

with many Plates. By Charles Roach Smith,

Esq.
On the Faussett Collection of Antiquities. By

Charles Roach Smith, Esq. 8vo. pp. 16.

London, 1854.

DITTO.

THE AUTH°R.

Dmx>.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE

PRESENTED BY

Dn. W. H. Soorr.

DITTO.

TIIK ATTIIOR.

Katalog des Miinzkabinetes der Stadtbibliothek
zu Leipzig.. (Catalogue of the Collection of
Coins in the City Library of Leipzig.) 8vo.
pp. 508, and Supplement, pp. 15. Leipzig,
1853.

Catalogue de la Collection de M. de Saint
Victor. 8vo. pp. 199. Paris, 1822.

Delia raritk delle Monete antiche de tutte le
forme e metalli. (On the rarity of ancient
Coins of all sizes and metals.) By Vincenzi
Natale Scotti. 12mo. pp. 467. Leghorn,
1*21.

Die Grossherzogliche Morgenliindische Miinz-
sammlung in Jena. (The Grand-Ducal Col-
lection of Oriental Coins at Jena). 8vo.
pp. 8. Jena, 1846.

Fund von Lengerich im Kb'nigreiche Hannover
Goldschmuck und Romische Miinzen.
(Discovery at Lengerich, in the Kingdom of
Hanover, of Gold Ornaments and Roman
Coins). Described by Fr. Halm. 8vo.
pp. 58, and 2 Plates. 1854.

On the French System of Money and Weights, j

By James Yatcs, Esq., M.A., F.R.S. 8vo. I DITTO.
pp.95. London, 1854. )

A Lecture on the Antiquities of the Anglo-
Saxon Cemeteries of the ages of Paganism,
illustrative of the Faussett Collection, now in
the possession of Joseph Mayer, Esq. By
Thomas Wright, Esq. 12mo. pp. 24. Liver-
pool, 1854.

Catalogue of the Drawings, Miniatures, Cameos,
and other objects of Art, illustrative of the
Bonaparte famliy and the principal persons
connected with the Republic and Empire of
France, now in the Collection of John
Mather, Esq. By Joseph Mayer, Esq.
12mo. pp. 36. Liverpool, 1854.

A Bronze Medal, commemorating the Open-
ing of St. George's Hall.

READ: — A paper by Colonel Leake, on the weights of Greek coins.
He remarks, that the progress, both of arts and of letters, appear to

JOSEPH MAYER, ESQ.

DITTO.

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 3

have pursued an independent course in European and Asiatic Greece,
and that it is therefore not surprising to find, that both an Asiatic
and a European lay claim to the invention of a symbolized monetary
currency. Herodotus, himself an Asiatic Greek, assigns the honour
to Lydia, and denies the claim of ^Egina to priority, which was
generally acknowledged in European Greece, and with justice, if the
invention really took place in the reign of Phidon of Argos, who was
more ancient than Gyges, the founder of the Lydian monarchy. The
Asiatic Greek coinage differed from that of the European Greeks
in standard, in its multiples or subdivisions, and in the metal of
which it was chiefly composed. But in one point there was a strong
resemblance, that of having one weight which was an equiponderant
of the Attic didrachm.

Colonel Leake, after remarking that the words obolus and drachma
in themselves are a strong argument in favour of the European
origin of the invention of coinage, goes on to state, that Athens,
being inferior to ^Egina in commercial prosperity, most likely was
the follower and not the predecessor of the latter city in adopting
the invention. He then notices the reduction by Solon of the weight
of the Athenian drachma, by coining the mna or mina into 100
drachmae instead of 73 ; and infers from thence, that the mina had
been an Athenian weight before the invention of coined money at
jEgina, and that when the Athenians adopted the name and weight
of the ^Eginetan coins, they found that their already existing mina
would form 73 drachmae.

Although Herodotus may not be correct in assigning to Lydia the
priority of the invention of money, it may be safely inferred from
his testimony, that the coinage of Lydia was more ancient than that
of any of the Greek cities of Asia. From those coins the Persian
darics were imitated. The Lydian gold coins weigh something less
than 125 grains; and that weight appears to have been introduced
into Lydia from the country whence they derived arts and letters,
namely, Phoenicia, where, as well as in Judaea, a unit of weight
existed, called a shekel, which seems to have been the same as the

4 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

unit of weight in Egypt, stated by Horapollo to be equal to two
drachmae.

Colonel Leake conceives that the reason for Solon reducing the
weight of the drachma from the ^Eginetan standard in the ratio of
100 to 73, was not for the sake of the round number, but in order
to assimilate the Attic coinage to that of Corinth. It is evident,
that the monetary scales of the two cities had a different origin ; for
while they were respectively founded on the drachma, and consisted
of its multiples and fractions, the principal coin of Corinth was a
stater of silver, of the same weight as an Athenian didrachm, but
differently subdivided. The effect of this numismatic union between
Athens and Corinth is, that Athenian didrachmae are very scarce,
and Corinthian staters very common ; while, on the other hand,
Athenian tetradrachmae are very numerous, and no Corinthian
double stater is known.

It may be deduced from a general examination of the weights of
Greek coins, that the ^Eginetan standard accompanied the use of
the ^Eolic dialect through the Doric states of the Peloponnesus, and
and was generally adopted in Crete, and throughout Bceotia and
Thessaly. The principal colonies of Italy and Sicily having been
from Achaia and Corinth, it is not surprising to find the Corinthian
weight and monetary scale prevailing among them. In Macedonia,
Philip II. adopted the weight of the Athenian silver didrachm, or
Corinthian stater, for his celebrated staters of gold, but adhered to the
old Macedonian scale for his silver coinage, the origin of which it is
difficult to form an opinion of; but it may have been Euboic. It was
Alexander the Great who first adopted the Attic scale for the Mace-
donian silver coinage.

2. A paper by Mr. Evans, on the gold coins inscribed with the
word BODVOC. He exhibited one of these coins, which had lately
come into his possession. On the obverse or convex side are the
above letters across the field ; on the reverse or concave side, a rude
figure of a three-tailed horse, a wheel beneath, a small cross and
reversed crescent above the shoulder, other small crosses beneath

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 5

the head and belly of the horse, and in the field a number of circular
dots or pellets : weight, 83| grains. The place of discovery is not
known. The type is engraved in Ruding, Appendix, PI. 29, No. 3.
These coins have been popularly attributed to Boadicea, who is said
to have been Queen of the Iceni ; but, Mr. Evans believes, without
any other reason whatever than an accidental similarity between the
word or letters on the coins and the name of Boadicea. There is
no resemblance between these coins and those usually discovered in
the district inhabited by the Iceni; and all the recorded places
where the BODVOC coins have been found are on the opposite side
of England. The type and fabric of the coins are also against the
attribution of them to Boadicea, whose revolt did not take place
until A.D. 61 ; whereas these coins, if struck in the district of the
Iceni, could not be later than the time of Cunobeline, because their
reverse is very like some of the uninscribed coins which, from their
weight and fabric, are evidently anterior to his reign.

But, in addition to these reasons, derived from the coins them-
selves, there are historical difficulties in the way of the attribution of
these coins to Boadicea. From the account of her given by Tacitus,
it is evident that her reign, if reign it is to be called, was of very
short duration; and it is extremely improbable that she should have
coined money (a privilege which there is nothing to show that her
husband Prasutagus ever exercised), when her every effort must
have been directed to the subversion of the Roman power.

While Mr. Evans rejects the attribution of these coins to Boadicea,
he confesses himself unable to offer a decisive opinion as to their
real origin. As, however, their recorded places of discovery are all
in the district supposed to have been inhabited by the ancient
Boduni or Dobuni, he infers some connection between the name of
that tribe and the inscription on the coins ; but whether it was in-
tended simply to typify the name of the people, or to indicate that
of one of their princes, whose name bore an allusion to that of the
tribe over which he reigned, must be a matter of conjecture.

3. A letter from Mr. C. Roach Smith, accompanying a list of
Roman coins, recently dug up on the property of the Duston Iron

6 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Ore Company, near Northampton. A small Roman vase was found
with the coins. Mr. Pretty, of Northampton, in sending the coins
to Mr. Smith for examination, states it as his conjecture that at
Duston the Romans had a halting-place, it heing about midway
between the site of Benavenna and the station at Irchester. He
had found Roman remains and coins of Tetricus at some little
distance from the spot where the Company are excavating, which
is in the south-east part of the parish, on the borders of Harding-
stone, a locality rich in Roman, and probably in Saxon and Danish
remains.

The coins found were as follows : —

Claudius, second brass . . 1

Severus, denarius ... 1

Gordian III. „ . . . 1

Gallienus, small brass . . 1

Victorinus ,, . . 1

Tetricus, sen. ,, . . 2

Tetricus, jun. ,, 2

Claudius II. 1

Constantino, small brass . 4

jun. „ . 2

Helena „ . 2

Delmatius ,, . 1

Constantino family ,, . 5

Magnentius ,, .1

Gratianus „ .2

Illegible ,, .4

Carausius ,, 5

The types are all common ; the least so is one of Carausius, with
Rev. COMES AVGGG; in the field, SP; in the exergue, C.

Mr. Pfister exhibited a silver medallion of Michael Angelo Bonar-
roti. On the obverse is represented the bust of the great artist at
the advanced age of 88; within, the inscription MICHAEL. AN-
GEL VS. BONARROTVS. FLOR. (entinus), JES. (^Etatis), ANN.
88. The reverse exhibits the figure of a blind man walking, with a
staff in his right hand, led by a dog. A gourd bottle is hanging
from his right arm, and he appears to be on the brink of a precipice.
The words of the inscription round the figure are taken from
Psalm li. 13 — "Then will I teach transgressors thy ways, and
sinners shall be converted unto thee." Under the arm of the bust,
on the obverse, is LEO, the name of the eminent coteniporary
goldsmith and sculptor, Cavalier Leo Leoni, of Arezzo, who is the
author of this fine medallion, trade in 1562.

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.

DECEMBER 21, 1854.
JOHN B. BERGNE, ESQ., Treasurer, in the Chair.

The following presents
table:—

were announced, and laid upon the

Bulletins de 1'Academie Royale des Sciences,
des Lettres, et des Beaux Arts de Belgique.
Part 3 for 1853, completing Vol. XX., and
Part 1 of Vol. XXL, 1854; and the An-
nexe aux Bulletins, 1853-4. 8vo. Brussels,
1853-4.

Annuaire de 1'Academie Royale de Belgique.
12mo. pp. 180. Brussels, 1854.

Publications de la Societ£ pour la recherche et
la conservation des Monuraens Historiques
du Grand Duche de Luxembourg. 6 parts,
1848 to 1853. 4to. many plates. Luxem-
bourg, 1847-52.

Bulletins de la Soei4t6 Arche"ologique de
1'Orleannois. Nos. 12 and 13. 8vo. Or-
leans, 1853.

Etudes Numismatiques sur une partie du
Nord-est de la France. Par C. Robert. 4to.
pp. 251, and 18 plates. Metz, 1852.

Considerations sur la monnaie a 1'^poque Ro-
mane, et description de quelques Triens
Me'rovingiens. Par C. Robert. 8vo. pp.
60, and 1 plate. Metz, 1851.

Tiers de Sou d'Or inedit. Par C. Robert.
8vo. pp. 7, and 1 plate.

La Numismatique Merovingienne conside're'e
dans ses Rapports avec la Geographic. Par
C. Robert. 8vo. pp. 12.

Tiers de Sol d'Or frappe a Mauriac. Par C.
Robert. 8vo. pp. 8. Blois, 1846.

Monnaies de Louis de Montpensier, Prince de
Dombes, 1560-1582. Par C. Robert. 8vo.
pp.3.

PRESENTED BY

THE ACADEMY.

DITTO.

THE SOCIETY.

DITTO.

THE AUTHOR.

DITTO.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Extrait d'une lettre addresse" :\ 1'Academie
Grand-Ducale de Luxembourg. Par C.
Robert. 8vo. p. 7. Metz.

Monnaie de Bourbourg. Par C. Robert. 8vo.
pp.4.

Monnaies Me"rovingiennes de la Collection de
feu M. Renault de Vancouleurs. 8vo. pp.
40, and 2 plates.

Description de cinq Monnaies Francaises in-
e"dites trouv^es dans le Cimetiere Mero-
vingien d'Envermeu. Par E. Thomas. 8vo.
pp.49, and 2 plates. Dieppe, 1854.

Notice sur les Tombes Gallo-Frankes du Grand

Duclie" de Luxembourg. Par M. A. Namur.

4to. pp. 37, and 3 plates. Luxembourg,

1853.
Sur les Fouilles pratique"es a Jort pendant les

Anndcs 1852-3. Par M. A. Charma. 8vo.

pp. 38, and 1 plate. Caen, 1854.

Jahrbiicher des Vereins von Alterthums-
freunden im Rheinlande (Annual of the
Society of Antiquaries of the Rhine),
Nos. 20 and 21. 8vo. Bonn, 1853-4.

Miscellanea Graphica. A collection of ancient,
mediaeval, and renaissance remains, in the
possession of the Lord Londesborough, illus-
trated by F. W. Fairholt, F.S.A. No. 3.
Royal 4to. 4 plates.

Lettre si M. Reinaud, Membre de 1'Institut de
France, sur quelques Medailles Uoulagouides.
By Dr. W. H. Scott. 8vo. pp. 18, and 1
plate.

Historical Notices of the Royal and Archi-
episcopal Mints and Coinages at York. By
Robert Davies, Esq., F.S.A. 8vo. pp. 79.
York, 1854.

PRESENTED BY

THE AUTHOR.

DITTO.

THE SOCIETY.

LOUD LONDES-

BOKOUQH.

THE AUTHOR.

DITTO.

Mr. C. Roach Smith exhibited a mould for casting Roman large
brass coins, found at Caistor in Northamptonshire. He remarked
that this is the only existence of a mould having been found, in-
tended for casting Roman coins of so large a size.

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 9

Mr. Evans read a paper, derived from Kundmann's Nummi Sin-
gulares, on the errors committed at various times by engravers
entrusted with the execution of dies for coins and medals. Some
of those errors are of a ludicrous nature, as, for instance, where Fer-
dinand the Second was described as a D.D. Mr. Evans also enu-
merated instances in which virtues had been superstitiously ascribed
to certain coins, as preservatives from gunshot wounds, or from fever,
dysentery, and other diseases.

Mr. Vaux read a paper communicated by Dr. Bell, containing an
abridgment from the German account, by Mr. Frederic Hahn, of a
remarkable find of coins and ornaments, which took place at Len-
gerich, in Hanover, in the spring of 1847. Under a stone were
first found a large number of denarii, extending from Trajan to
Septimius Severus (A.D. 98 to 211). Further search having been
excited by this discovery, under another stone was found a hoard
of 10 gold coins of Constantine, together with some gold orna-
ments ; and under a third stone 70 denarii of Magnentius, with a
silver medallion of Constantius, and some denarii of Maxentius.
The most curious feature of the find is, the wide interval of time
which separates the coins found under the first stone from those
discovered under the other two, and which leads to the conclusion
that, although deposited in close proximity to each other, they were
two distinct hoards, concealed at different periods.

JANUARY 25, 1855.
CHARLES ROACH SMITH, Esq., in the Chair.

The following presents were announced, and laid upon the

table:—

PRESENTED BY

Periodische Blatter des Geschichts und Alter-
thums Vereine zu Cassel, Darmstadt, Frank-

furt a.M., Mainz, und Wiesbaden (Journal
gf the Society of History and Antiquity of
Cassel. etc.). Nos. 1, 2, 3. 1854.

THE SOCIETY.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of
Scotland. Vol. I. Part 2. Small 4to. pp.
219, etchings and wood-cuts. Edinburgh,
1854.

Journal of the Archaeological, Architectural,
and Historic Society of the County, City,
and Neighbourhood of Chester. Part 3.
January to December, 1852. 8vo. with
plates and etchings. Chester, 1 854.

Journal of the Photographic Society. Con- j
tinuation up to No. 26. 8vo. )

Annual Report of the Art Union of London 1
for 1854, and their Almanack for 1855. j

Result of the Excavations on Brightstone and
Bowcombe Downs, Isle of Wight, in Au-
gust, 1854. By C. Hillier. Small 4to.
pp. 7, and 2 plates.

PRESENTED BY

THE SOCIETY.

DITTO.

THE AUTHOR.

Mr. Evans exhibited a third brass coin of Constantino the Great,
having a Cufic inscription stamped across the field.

Mr. C. Roach Smith exhibited a denarius of Domitia, having for
the type of the reverse a temple, without any legend, which is un-
published and probably unique. Its condition was, unfortunately,
very indifferent.

Mr. Pfister read a paper on an inedited and unique silver coin of
Odoacer, king of Italy, A.D. 476 — 493, struck at Ravenna, which he
exhibited.

Obv. — AVTOGVAC. Paludated bust to the right, with diadem.
Rev. — RAVE •{• in a wreath.

The general appearance of the type ie similar to that of the denarii
of the lower Roman empire.

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 11

Mr. Pfister's paper is published in full in No. 67 of the Numis-
matic Chronicle. At the conclusion of it, he observed that this
remarkable coin may be regarded as the first in the mediaeval series.
Odoacer, having put to death Orestes and having taken the Em-
peror Romulus Augustus prisoner, really terminated the Empire of
the West, A.D. 476; and from this event the period usually called
the Middle Ages properly begins.

FEBRUARY 22, 1855.
Dr. LEE in the Chair.

William Freudenthal, Esq., M.D., was ballotted for, and elected
into the Society.

Dr. Lee exhibited a bronze medal, struck in honour of Olbers,
the discoverer of the planets Vesta and Pallas.

Mr. Vaux read a paper, by Richard Sainthill, Esq., of Cork, on
an unpublished pattern rupee of William IV., of the date 1834,
engraved by the late William Wyon, R.A., which Mr. Sainthill
procured at the sale of the coins of the late Mr. Cuff. After giving
a sketch of the different coinages made in India, under the authority
of the East India Company, which appear to have commenced about
the year 1725, and to have borne the names and titles of the nominal
native sovereign until recent times, he proceeds to describe the
pattern in question. The obverse bears the portrait of King Wil-
liam IV., like that on the coins of England, with the Latin legend,
Gulielmus IIII. D.G. Britanniar. Rex F.D. The reverse has a light
and elegant wreath, within which, beneath an open lotus flower, is
inscribed " One Rupee, 1 834." Above the wreath are the words
" East India Company." Below, the denomination, one rupee, is
repeated in three languages— Sanscrit, Persian, and Bengalee. Its
weight is 7 dwt. 11-^ grains. Only two or three specimens of this
pattern were struck. The coin actually issued by the East India

12 PROCEEDINGS OP THE

Company was of very inferior execution, having more the appearance
of a cast than of a struck coin. Mr. Sain thill's paper, with an
engraving of the coin, which he furnished at his own expense, will
appear in the Numismatic Chronicle.

Mr. Vaux also read another paper by Mr. Sainthill, on a penny
of Henry III., lately acquired by him, struck from obverse and
reverse dies belonging to different coinages. Pennies of this king
are engraved in Ruding and Hawkins, in which the obverse legend,-
H6NRICVS REX ANG., is continued on the reverse, thus — LIE
TERCI LON, or LVN ; and Mr. Sainthill himself had, in his Olla
Podrida, Vol. II., PI. 29, No. 6, published another variety of extreme
rarity, if not unique, reading on the obverse HENRICVS REX,
and on the reverse ANGLIE TERCI. The penny now described
is, as to reverse, of type similar to those just mentioned, but reading
ANGLIE TERCIS (probably for TERCIVS), but, as to obverse, of
type No. 287 of Hawkins, reading HENRICVS REX III., clearly
belonging to a different, and, probably, subsequent coinage.

MARCH 22, 1855.
JOHN B. BERONE, ESQ., Treasurer, in the Chair.

William Freud enthal, Esq., M.D. (elected at the last meeting),
•was admitted a member of the Society.

Mr. C. Roach Smith exhibited a remarkably fine and patinated
imperial Greek coin, of the large brass size, of Caracalla, struck at
Perinthus. Obv. His bust, both laureated and radiated. Rev. A
galley, with the sail spread (Mionnet, Sup., Vol. II., p. 420, Nos.
1295-6). This rare coin was found a short time since, during ex-
cavations made near the Tower of London.

Mr. Roach Smith also exhibited an ancient leaden piece, struck
from the dies of the penny of William I. or II., of the type No. 246

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 13

of Hawkins. It was found at Walbrook, in the City of London,
and is now in Mr. Smith's collection.

Mr. Evans exhibited two copper coins of Cunobeline, in singularly
fine preservation. The one presented on the obverse a galeated
head to the right, with the legend CVNOBELINVS ; and on the
reverse, a sow standing to the right, with the legend TASCIIO-
VANII, and apparently the letter F in the exergue (Ruding, PI. 5,
No. 23). The other bore on the obverse a laureated head to the
left, with the legend CVNOBELINI ; and on the reverse, a centaur
blowing a horn, TASCIOVANI.F (Ruding, PI. 5, No. 17). The
workmanship of these coins is of a superior order to that of the
generality of British coins, and conveys the impression that the dies
were the production of Roman artists. If this were the case, there
can be but little doubt that Mr. Birch's interpretation of the legend
of the reverse, as intended for TASCIOVANI FILIVS, is correct,
especially when the analogy of contemporary Roman coins bearing
the legend AVGVSTVS DIVI F, and the remarkable resemblance
between the laureated head of Cunobeline in the second of the coins
above described, and the laureated head of Augustus on his denarii,
are taken into consideration.

Mr. Vaux read a paper on the history of the Grseco- Bactrian kings,
illustrated by the numismatic discoveries of the last twenty years.
This paper is chiefly a translation by Dr. Scott, from the second
volume of Lassen's Indische Alter tlmmskunde. After giving a sketch
of the boundaries and physical aspect of ancient Bactria, and al-
luding to its importance, as shown by the fact of Alexander the
Great founding eight, or even twelve cities in it, the paper proceeds
to state that it would have been deeply interesting to know certainly
how far Hellenism coalesced with the native cultivation, or what
efforts it made to maintain itself there ; but the details of the history
of the Bactrian Greeks are for ever lost. The passages yet extant
concerning the fate of the Greek kingdom in Bactria and India are
scattered and isolated in different writers, and would, when united,
give a very imperfect account of it, if we had no other sources of
information. The coins, of which so large a variety have been dis-

14 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

covered in recent times, form our principal source of information ;
and although they do not expressly lay before us in words the events
of the period, yet, by their legends and types, they assure us of the
existence of persons and then* deeds with the same exactitude as
written accounts. The bulk of the paper is then occupied with an
examination of the passages in ancient writers respecting the Grseco-
Bactrian kingdom, as illustrated by the coinage of its kings.

April 26, 1855.
The LORD LONDESBOROUGH, President, in the Chair.

The following presents were announced, and laid upon the
tablet-

Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. ) _,

ir i WTT T> _i. c ru uv IOCK f THE ACADEMY.

Vol. XXII., Part 5. 4to. Dublin, 1855. j

Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy for )
the year 1853—54. Vol. VI., Part 1. 8vo. j D

Transactions de la Socie'te' des Antiquaires de ]

Normandie. Vol. XX., Parts 2, 3. 1854. \ THE SOCIETY.
4to. )

Miscellanea Graphica. Part 4 (in continua- ) LORD LONDES-
tion). BOROUGH.

Collectanea Antiqua. Vol. IV., Part 1. By
C. Roach Smith, Esq.

Letter on the Prospects of the Society of
Antiquaries. By the Rev. Henry Christmas.
Svo. 1855.

Ueber die Miinzen Graubundens. (On the 1

Coins of the Grisons.) By Joseph Berg- > DR. SCOTT.
mann. Svo. pp. 47. Vienna, 1851.

Numismatische Zeitung, 1852 — 53. 4to. Weis- ) D
sensee in Thuringia.

THE AUTHOR.

DITTO.

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 15

Mr. Evans read a paper on the coins of Cunobeline with the
legend TASCIOVANI . F. After remarking that there are few
difficulties in numismatic pursuits in which greater difference of
opinion has been entertained, than the interpretation of the TASCIA
legend upon the coins of Cunobeline, he noticed the various sig-
nifications which have been conjecturally attached to it. Some
have thought it to mean tribute-money ; others, that it is
the name of the moneyer of Cunobeline; or a title equivalent to
that of IMPERATOR. Another and more modern interpretation,
which appears best supported by facts, and has met with the
most general acceptance, is that of Mr. Birch, who considers it
to represent the name of the father of Cunobeline, which, from the
more lengthened inscriptions upon some of the coins, he judges to
have been TASCIOVANVS, or rather TASCIOVAN. Mr. Evans
considers that the points necessary to be attended to in attempting
to determine the question of the interpretation of this legend ought
to be : 1st. The facts of the case as far as the coins themselves are
concerned; that is to say, the correct readings of the different
modifications of the word TASCIO. ,2ndly. A careful comparison
of the coins with that word only upon them, with those upon which
it appears in conjunction with the name of Cunobeline. 3rdly. An
investigation of the style of art and workmanship of the coins, with
a view to determine whether they are the work of native or of
foreign artists, and of the sources from whence the various types
have been derived, whether indigenous or foreign. 4thly. A con-
sideration of the political history of Britain at the period when
these coins were struck, in order to estimate the amount of foreign
influence upon the customs of the country. These points Mr. Evans
discusses in the body of his paper, and concludes by expressing
his opinion, that our present knowledge seems to bear out the pro-
bability of Mr. Birch's conjecture as to the interpretation of the
legend in question. The paper will appear in full in the Numismatic
Chronicle.

Mr. Pfister read a paper on a very rare silver coin, the Denaro

PROCEEDINGS OP THE

d'Argentd of Berengarius II., king of Italy, in conjunction with his
son Albertus, or Adalbertus, as co-regent, A.D. 950 — 962.

Obv. +BERENGARIV; in the field, REX.

Rev. In two lines, PAPIA, Pavia, the place of mintage ; around
it, +ALBERTVS RX.

This coin is of extreme rarity, and was acquired by Mr. Pfister,
by exchange, from the Royal Collection at Turin, where there were
two from the same die. A third example, somewhat differing, is in
the collection at the Vatican. He observed that the character and
form of the coin were almost identical with those of Hugo, king of
Italy, A.D. 931 to 945, on which his name and that of his son Lo-
tharius are, in like manner, inscribed respectively upon the two sides
of the coin.

Mr. Pfister illustrated the coin by an historical summary of the
events of the reign of Berengarius, which will be published in the
Chronicle.

Mr. Vaux read a paper descriptive of two interesting coins. The
first was one recently acquired by the British Museum, and bearing
upon it the name of the celebrated city of Nineveh. Though ex-
tremely rare, it is not absolutely unique, a specimen having been
described by Sestini.

Obv. Head of the Emperor Trajan, IMP. TRAIAN. CAE.
AVG. GER.

Rev. An eagle with expanded wings between military standards,
COL. AVG. FELL NINI. CLAV.

There is no reason to doubt that the coin was struck to commem-
morate the foundation of a Roman colony at this place by the
Emperor Claudius.

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 17

The other coin was an autonomous one of the town of Termessus
in Pisidia, and is believed to be unique. It is in the possession of
Mr. Finlay of Athens, by whom the cast produced had been sent to
this country.

Obv. The bearded head of Zeus Solymeus to the right :
TGPMICCeflN; below, 9.

Rev. An inscription within an olive wreath, the meaning of which
is discussed at some length in Mr. Vaux's paper,
which will be published in the Numismatic Chronicle.

Both coins are of copper, about the size of Roman middle
brass.

MAY 24, 1855.
DR. LEE in the Chair.

Mr. Evans read a paper on some rare and unpublished British
coins. One of them is of gold, weighing 82 grains, something
resembling that engraved in the Plate in Vol. VII. of the Numis-
matic Chronicle, page 16 of the " Proceedings," but with the legend
MMIOS in front of the horse, instead of TIN over it. Mr. Evans
conceives, that the legend in its complete state was COMMIOS or
TINCOMMIOS. The next coin is also in gold, of small size,
weighing 17| grains. Obv. COMF on a sunk tablet; Rev. TIN, a
bridled horse prancing to the right. Mr. Evans attributes this to a
son of Commios or Comius. The other coins described are new
types of Tasciovanus, and of those bearing the legend VER — VIR
or VIIR, and most probably struck at Verulam. Mr. Evans' paper,
with an illustrative plate, will appear in an early number of the
Chronicle.

Mr. Bergne read a paper on a small parcel of the coins called
Counterfeit, or, more properly, Foreign Sterlings, which had been
sent to him for examination by Mr. Sainthill, by whom nearly all of
them were procured together some years ago from a dealer at Cork.

18 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

They comprised specimens of Guido, Bishop of Cambray, 1296 to
1306; John II., Count of Hainault, 1280 to 1304; Arnold, Count
of Loos, 1280 to 1323; Guido, Count of Flanders, 1280 to 1305,
and Marquis of Namur, 1263 to 1297; Robert HL, Count of
Flanders, 1305 to 1322; John, Duke of Limburg and Brabant,
probably the second of that name, who ruled from 1294 to 1312;
John de Louvain, probably the same personage as the one last men-
tioned; Bishop Hugo, probably the prelate of that name who was
Bishop of Liege from 1296 to 1301 ; Gualcher, Count of Porcien in
1308 ; and Gualeran, Lord of Ligny at the close of the thirteenth
century. There were also a few other pieces of doubtful attribution,
and one or two with unintelligible legends, evidently intended, from
their general resemblance to the English penny of Edward I., to
pass as such among a population, few of whom were possessed of
sufficient learning to detect the imposition. Mr. Bergne stated
that this paper, if published in the Numismatic Chronicle, would
form a kind of supplement to that by Mr. Hawkins on a very similar
parcel of coins discovered near Kirkcudbright, which appeared in
Vol. XIII., p. 86.

Mr. Vaux exhibited casts of some coins lately acquired by the
British Museum, and read a paper descriptive of them.

1. Apodacus, King of Characene. At. Size, 8|. Weight,
241. 7 grs.

2. Kamnascires and his Queen Anzaze. .41. Size, 8. Weight,
229.3 grs.

3. Another specimen, differing in the legend and details. At.
Size, 7£. Weight, 230.5 grs.

These two coins were procured during the year 1852, during the
survey of the boundary between Turkey and Persia, conducted by
Colonel Williams, and are believed to be unique.

4. A barbarous coin of Characene. At. Size, 9. Weight,
140.2 grs.

5. A coin of a Satrap of Bactria. .41. Size, 7$. Weight,
256.5 grs.

6. Another coin of the same class ; but it seems probable that it

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. 19

is a cast. It has been published by the Duke de Luynes, who
thinks it a copy of a coin which has now disappeared.

7, 8. Two silver coins, of the class termed sub-Parthian, which
were exhibited in illustration of the two preceding.

9. A silver Daric, exhibited to illustrate an inscription lately
found at Susa by Mr. Loftus.

10, 11. Two coins, in copper, of Seleucus I. One, size 2|,
lately procured from Colonel Rawlinson ; the other, size 2J, came
from the Devonshire Collection.

12, 13. Two silver coins of Molon, Satrap of Media. One in
silver, size 4^ : the other in copper, size 5.

14. A remarkably fine specimen of an unascertained coin, attri-
buted to Aradus, which was purchased at the sale of Mr. Loscombe's
Collection. It is of silver, size 8, weighing 395 grains. The
obverse represents a chariot drawn by two horses, in which the king
is standing; behind is an attendant. Reverse. A galley on waves.
A few others are known of the same size ; but this is far more
perfect.

Mr. Pfister exhibited a fine medal of Erasmus, made by the cele-
brated Quentin Matsys, one of whose works exists in this country
in the celebrated iron- work tomb of Edward IV. in St. George's
Chapel at Windsor. The medal, which is of bronze, size 10|,
represents, on the obverse, the bust of Erasmus to the left, in a cap
and a robe faced with fur. In the field, ER[asmus] ROT[eroda-
mus]; and around, IMAGO AT VIVA EFFIGIE EXPRESSA,
1531. Reverse. The device of Erasmus, namely, the deity of
boundaries, inscribed TERM1NVS. In the field of the medal,
CONCEDO NULLI; and around, MORS ULTIMA LINEA
RERUM.

20 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

JUNE 28, 1855.

ANNIVERSARY MEETING.
JOHN B. BKRGNE, ESQ., Treasurer, in the Chair.

At the meeting of the Society held on this day, its Seventeenth
Anniversary, the following Report from the Council was presented
and read : —

Since the last anniversary the Society has lost two of its members
by death, namely, Thomas Crofton Croker, Esq., F.S.A., and William
Devonshire Saull, Esq., F.S.A.

Mr. Croker was born at Cork on the 15th of January, 1798. He
was the son of Major Thomas Croker, of the 38th Regiment, who
was descended from an ancient family of that name in Devonshire.
He probably received his education at Cork, and at the age of 15
was apprenticed to a respectable Quaker firm in that city. On the
death of his father, which took place on the 22nd of March, 1818,
the interest of the widow was exerted with Mr. John Wilson
Croker, the Secretary of the Admiralty, who was a friend of the
family, though not a relation, as has generally been supposed from
the identity of name. Through his good offices, Mr. Crofton
Croker was appointed a clerk in the Admiralty Office in July fol-
lowing. There he passed through the various gradations until he
became one of the senior clerks ; and in February, 1850, retired on
a pension, after a service of nearly thirty-two years.

He possessed from his boyhood a taste for antiquities ; and in the
course of his life accumulated a considerable museum, which was
dispersed by auction shortly after his decease. He published, either
as author or editor, a considerable number of works ; one of the
principal of which, and that by which he is perhaps best known,
is " Fairy Legends and Traditions of the South of Ireland," the

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY, 21

first series of which appeared in 1825, and a second in 1827. In
1824, he published his " Researches in the South of Ireland." In
1839, he edited for the Camden Society a volume in their series,
entitled " Narratives illustrative of Contests in Ireland in 1641 and
1690." He also edited several of the publications of the Percy
Society, and was the author of many contributions to the different
annuals.

He was a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, and a Member of
the Royal Irish Academy. He was one of the original members of
the Archaeological Association ; and on the disruption which took
place in 1845, adhered to the Society which still bears that name,
and for a time held the office of one of its secretaries, but ultimately
withdrew from it. He died at Old Brompton on the 8th of August,
1854.

Mr. Saull, who will be remembered as one of the most constant
attendants at our meetings, was a Fellow of the Society of Anti-
quaries and of the Geological Society. He was well known as the
possessor of a valuable museum of geological specimens, chiefly
collected by himself, which he threw open one day in every
week to the public, and which he took great pleasure in exhibiting
and explaining. His death took place on the 26th of April,
1855.

The only death which the Council are aware of having taken
place among the list of foreign Associates of the Society, is that of
M. Adolphe Duchalais, the Assistant Curator in the Cabinet of
Medals in the Imperial Library at Paris, well known in this country
as the author of a work published at Paris in 1846, entitled " De*-
scription des M6dailles Gauloises faisant partie des Collections de la
Bibliotheque Royale."

Only one member has been added to the Society by election
during the Session, William Freudenthal, Esq. On the other hand,
two members have withdrawn ; and the Council have been under the
necessity of striking out the names of four others, from whom for
several years they have received no support of any kind.

22 PROCEEDINGS OP THE

The numerical state of the Society is now as follows : —

Original. Elected. Honorary. Associates. Total.
June, 1854 30 52 3 47 132

Since elected — 1 — — 1

Deceased
Resigned
Struck out

June, 1855

The Council annex the customary statement from the Treasurer,
of the income and expenditure of the Society for the past year.
They regret to perceive that the Balance is less by ten pounds than
it was at the corresponding period of last year, notwithstanding
only three numbers of the Numismatic Chronicle have been paid for
during the year, instead of four.

133

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*4 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

The Council have been furnished with an ample supply of papers
for the meetings of the Society. The following have been read ; and
the principal of them either have been or will be published in the
Chronicle.

1. On the monetary standards of Ancient Greece. By Colonel
Leake.

2. On British coins inscribed BODVOC : — 3. On the errors com-
mitted at different times by the engravers of the dies for coins and
medals : — 4. On some recently acquired coins of Cunobeline : —

5. On coins of Cunobeline with the legend TASCIOVANI . F : —

6. On some rare and unpublished British coins. By Mr. Evans.

7. On a discovery of Roman gold and silver coins near Lengerich,
together with some fibulae and armillae, apparently early German.
By Dr. Bell.

8. On an unpublished pattern rupee of William IV. : — 9. On the
pennies of Henry III. By Mr. Sainthill.

10. On Bactrian coins. By Dr. Scott.

11. On two coins of Nineveh and Termessus : — 12. On some
curious coins lately acquired by the British Museum. By Mr. Vaux.

13. On a medal of Michael Angelo: — 14. On an unedited and
unique coin of Odoacer, King of Italy: — 15. On a rare coin of
Berengarius, King of Italy : — 16. On a medal of Erasmus, executed
by Quentin Matsys. By Mr. Pfister.

17. On a hoard of foreign or counterfeit Sterlings. By Mr. Bergne.

The following presents have been made to the Society by its
members and friends :
The Royal Academy of Sciences

of Brussels, Their Publications.

The Society of Antiquaries of

Picardy, Ditto.

The Society of Antiquaries of

Normandy, Ditto.

The Society for the Preservation

of National Monuments in

Luxemburg, Ditto.

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY.

The Historical and Antiquarian
Society of Cassel,

The Royal Irish Academy,
The Royal Asiatic Society,

The Society of Antiquaries of
Scotland,

The Society of Antiquaries of
Newcastle,

The Archaeological and Historic
Society of Chester,

The Photographic Society,
The Art Union,
Lord Londesborough,

C. Roach Smith, Esq.,
Dr. Scott,

Jos. Mayer, Esq.,
J. Yates, Esq.,

Mons. C. Robert,
Mons. Hahn,
Mons. E. Thomas,
Mons. A. Charma,
Mons. Namur,

Robert Davies, Esq.,

Their Publications.
Ditto.
Ditto.

Their Proceedings.
Archseolrgia ^Eliana.

Their Journal.

Ditto.
Their Report and Almanack.

Continuation of the work, entitled
" Miscellanea Graphica."

Continuation of his work, entitled
" Collectanea Antiqua."

Various Numismatic Tract? and
Catalogues.

Ditto.

A Tract on the French System of
Money and Weights.

Various works on French numis-
matics.

Account of a find of Coins, etc.
at Lengerich, in Hanover.

Account of Unpublished French
Coins found at Envermeu.

Account of Researches made at
Jort during the years 1852 — 3.

Notice of some Gallo-Frankish
Tombs in the Grand Duchy of
Luxemburg.

Historical Notices of the Mints
of York.

26 PROCEEDINGS OF THE

Rev. H. Christmas, Letter on the Prospects of the

Society of Antiquaries.

C. Hillier, Esq., Tract on the result of Excava-

tions in the Isle of Wight.

R. Sainthill, Esq., 250 Copies of an Engraving of a

Pattern Rupee of William IV.
to illustrate his paper thereon.

J. Mayer, Esq., A Medal struck to commemo-

rate the opening of St. George's
Hall at Liverpool.

The Report was read, and ordered to be printed.

The Meeting then proceeded to ballot for the Officers and Council
for the ensuing year; and the lists having been examined, it ap-
peared that the election had fallen upon the following gentlemen : —

President.
W. S. W. VAUX, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., F.R.A.S.

Vice- Presidents.

EDWARD HAWKINS, ESQ., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.L.S.
THE LORD LONDESBOROUGH, K.C.H., F.S.A.

Treasurer.
JOHN BRODRIBB BBRGNE, Esq., F.S.A.

Secretaries.

JOHN EVANS, ESQ., F.S.A.
R. S. POOLE, ESQ.

Foreign Secretary.
JOHN YONGE AKERMAN, ESQ., F.S.A.

Librarian.
JOHN WILLIAMS, ESQ.

NUMISMATIC SOCIETY. x

Members of the Council.
WILLIAM BRICE, Esq.
THOMAS BROWN, ESQ.
MAJOR CUNNINGHAM, Bengal Engineers.
REV. THOMAS FREEEIUCK DYMOCK.
FREDERICK W. FAIKHOLT, F.S.A.
W. D. HAGGARD, ESQ., F.S.A., F.R.A.S.
JOHN LEE, ESQ., LL.D., F.R.S., F.S.A., F.R.A.S.
J. G. PFISTER, ESQ.
REV. J. B. READS, M.A., F.R.S.
W. H. ROLFE, ESQ.
C. ROACH SMITH, ESQ., F.S.A.

H. H.WILSON, ESQ., F.R.S., President of the Royal Asiatic
Society, and Boden Professor of Sanscrit, Oxford.

The Society then adjourned to Thursday, the 29th of November.

•'.'•I

Num. Ckron,. Vol JTVJff. p 1.

"W F MlDer dell-' &. Sculp* .

MESOPOTAMIAN COINS

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

NOTICE OF SOME REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA.

IT is now many years since Dr. Combe discovered in the
rich collection of Dr. Hunter two coins hitherto unknown,
bearing legends which appeared to him to be Palmy rene.
Woide agreed with him, and published them in the sixth
volume of the Archseologia, p. 130, accompanied by a
short Latin letter explaining the first only of the coins,
according to the readings of Dr. Combe. Unfortunately,
however, Dr. Combe's readings are vitiated by the cir-
cumstance, that he held the coin in the wrong direction,
and read the legends upside down. The second coin is
also inverted in the engraving.

No particular attention appears to have been bestowed
on this letter, and the coins have remained, so far as I
have been able to find, unnoticed by numismatists. An
exception must indeed be made as regards the latter,
Sestini having mentioned similar coins, but without re-
ferring to the engraving in the Archseologia, which he
seems not to have known.1

1 Descriptio numorum veterum, 1797, p. 553.

VOL. XVIII. B

2 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Some time ago, while examining the Mesopotamian
and Sub-Parthian coins preserved in the British Museum,
I noticed two coins similar to the first of those given by
Woide. I shortly afterwards observed a coin, as yet un-
published, on one side of which was seen the same head,
which occurs on No. 1 of Woide, accompanied by the same
legend ; on the other, the head of a Parthian king. Such
an appearance was well calculated to excite my curiosity,
and having, by the kindness of Mr. Burgon, received
impressions of these and other coins, I attempted to
decipher them. In this I have succeeded, so far at least
as relates to the attribution of the coins. In order to fill
up the plate, I have caused to be engraved several uncer-
tain coins from the same collection, for the opportunity of
obtaining casts of which I am indebted to my friend
Mr. Poole. Although I am unable to clear up the diffi-
culties connected with their attribution, others may be
more successful. The engravings have been executed
under my inspection, from wax impressions or sulphur
casts, and I can vouch for their fidelity.

The first of these coins, No. 1, is that first engraved
by Woide. It has on obverse —

Obv. — Bare male head, with hair arranged in short curls,
and with a short beard, to left. Before the head
a word of four letters ; behind, a word of three
only. A garland surrounds the whole.

Rev. — A side view of a distyle temple. On the front, a star
of three rays, two horizontal, one perpendicular.
Within the temple, a large square object, appa-
rently placed on a table.3 The legend here also is

8 On No. 3, from the Ilunterian Museum, the square object
is evidently a shrine with folding doors, each divided into
two compartments. This may be indistinctly seen on the plate,

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 3

composed of two words, one of four letters, one of
three. M, 4 . . 2 British Museum, 2 Hunter
Museum.

On one of the Hunterian coins, for an impression of which,
as well as of the second coin engraved, but not described,
by Woide, I have to thank Professor Ramsay of Glasgow :
the reverse legend is so arranged that we must read from
the outside, turning the coin, although on the obverse the
legend is arranged as on the coin No. 1, so as to be read
at one view. One of the Museum coins, on the contrary,
arranges the reverse legend in the same way as the
obverse one, in two parallel lines to be read at one
view, appearing thus to reverse the arrangement of the
words.

The next coin, No. 2, has precisely the same obverse,
on a somewhat larger scale.

Rev. — Bust to left of a Parthian king, with a conical cap,
apparently set with rays. Behind the head, B.
JE. 5 British Museum.

The head upon this coin bears a very strong resem-
blance to that found upon the very curious coin explained
by Mr. Thomas.3 This coin has been classed to Ar-
saces XXVII. Vologeses III., and it certainly resembles
very much the portrait found on the tetradrachms known
to belong to that sovereign.4 It will be seen, however,
that the head upon the coin ' I describe above can only be

but is not well marked on the coin itself. I only ascertained
this after the plate was engraved.

3 Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. XII., p. 97.

4 Lindsay, Plate 6, No. 29 ; or Pellerin, Troisieme Supplement,
Platel,Nos.O,7,8.

4 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

that of Arsaces XXVI., Vologeses II., who reigned from
121 to 148, A.D. This may seem to render somewhat
uncertain the attribution of the other coin, from the great
resemblance between them.5 I leave this question, how-
ever, undecided, sufficient materials perhaps not as yet
existing for its solution. In attempting the decipherment
of the legends occurring on this and on other coins of
Mesopotamia, I naturally turned my attention towards
the old Syrian alphabets. These I may proceed to men-
tion as follows: There are several varieties of the so-called
Palmyrene, but which should be rather called old Syriac,
as found with but slight modifications in different districts
of Syria. The ordinary, or true Palmyrene, will be found
in the 48th volume of the Philosophical Transactions, as
explained by Swinton : the alphabet may be consulted in
the Monumenta Phoenicia of Gesenius, Tab. 5. A modi-
fication of this alphabet occurs on a stone from Teive, or
Teibe, which I suppose is the El-teyibeh laid down in the
maps as N.E. from Tadmor. The stone having been
brought to England, we have what may be supposed an
authentic copy by Swinton in the 56th volume of the
Philosophical Transactions, p. 4. Two bas-reliefs preserved
in the Vatican, which have been often published, but
perhaps with the greatest care by M. Lajard,6 in the
20th volume of the Memoires de 1'Academie des Belles
Lettres, 1854, pi. ii. and iii., furnish another modifi-

6 Thomas, loc. cit., Plate, No. 1. Pellerin, foe. tit., No. 13.

6 Lajard, Memoire sur la culte du Cypres. Mem. Acad. B. L.,
vol. xx., 1854. The first, or that of Claudius Felix, is engraved
on Plates i. ii., and explained at p. 16. The second, that conse-
crated to Aglibol and Malachbel, is engraved on Plate iii., and
explained at p. 46 ; both are deciphered by the Duke de Luynes.

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. O

cation of the Syriac alphabet. Next, I may mention the
Estranghelo, or old Syriac alphabet, which I quote from
the work of Klaproth Aperqu sur Vorigine des Ecritures
diverses. The Hierosolymitan and Nestorian alphabets
are also to be found in Klaproth. The Sabsean is to be
found there, or in a paper by Norberg, in the 3rd volume
of the Commentationes Gottingenses. I have not attempted
to arrange these alphabets according to their respective
antiquity, or I should have sooner mentioned the Aramaean
alphabet, as found on the Carpentras stone, or on some
fragments of papyrus, given by Gesenius, whose alphabet
will be found on tab. 4 of the work already mentioned.
Almost all these alphabets may be found to the greatest
advantage in the work of Kopp, Bilder und Schriften,
vol. ii. In particular, his account of the Sabsean is to be
preferred to that of Norberg. The various forms of the
Semitic alphabet are given in a comparative alphabet,
p. 377, seq.

The sheets containing the alphabets of the Vienna
Press also contain several of the alphabets to which I
have occasion to refer, as does the " Alphabete" of Ball-
horn. The Kabbinical or cursive Hebrew alphabets de-
serve also to be taken into any general comparison, since,
as they are cursive modifications of the ordinary Hebrew,
which is nothing but a carefully and elaborately written
Palmyrene character, it is natural that these alphabets
should, as they often do, return to the original type, and
show us how other modifications have arisen.7

7 Several of the alphabets to which I have referred may be
more conveniently, perhaps, consulted in the Plate to be found in
Chevalier Bunsen's recent valuable work, The Philosophy of
Universal History, i. 254. My decipherments were completed

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

The first letter 75 of the legend I propose to explain,
need only be compared with the Sabsean or Estranghelo

before the publication of Bunsen's work ; I can now refer to a
form of D, identical with that found upon the coins, as found in
the Chaldee inscription from Abu-Shadhr, explained by Professor
Dietrich, in the second volume of the work just mentioned,
p. 361, seq. The ^ of this alphabet also agrees with that of the
coins. In the rest of the signs, this alphabet comes nearer the
Saboean, as it appears to me. A comparison, indeed, with the
various alphabets at my command, seems to me to show that this
alphabet cannot be so old as Professor Dietrich supposes. It
must, as it seems to me, be later than the characters found on the
coins which I describe, \vhose date can be fixed to 139, A.D.
These letters are still unconnected, while the Abu-Shadhr are
very generally connected, just as the Sabsean letters are, and to
Bay eyes, have by no means a distant resemblance to them.
Compare the legend of No. 8 of Ibilna, where the X is con-
nected with the 3, but where no other connection exists as yet.
This coin can hardly be much earlier than 200 A D. The 3 of the
Abu-Shadhr inscriptions is already bent down below the line,
precisely as in the modern Syriac, while in Chaldoeo-Pehlvi
legends of the later Parthian drachms, and of the Ilaji-abad
inscription, it ranges with the other letters, as in the Estranghelo.
It is usually said that the Sabreans express K and y by the same
letter ; Kopp, however, shows that theoretically they have both
letters, though practically they confound them." This is precisely
what occurs in the Abu-Shadhr inscription. From these and
other circumstances, I have satisfied myself that the Abu-Shadhr
inscription cannot possibly be of the ante-Christian period, as
Professor Dietrich concludes by supposing. It is to me evidently
later than the coins of Val of Edessa, A.D. 130, while it may be
later than the Parthian period. Much later, if at all, it can
hardly be ; and we must remember in comparisons to allow for
difference of locality. The connected letters, and the form of
the g, compel me, however, to place it, as the earliest date which
appears possible, in the third century after Christ. Professor
Dietrich, indeed, was at first disposed to place it, from a com-
parison with the various Palmyrene inscriptions, in one of the
first post-Christian centuries, although he afterwards conjectured
for it a greater antiquity. I must say, however, with him : "Let
us hope for more specimens," as then only will it be possible to
form a correct opinion. I shoiild remark, that I speak merely
from a consideration of the paleography of the inscription ; I am

EEGAL COINS OP MESOPOTAMIA. 7

M, ^r\ or with that found on the second Vatican bas-
relief, to establish its power as M. It will be seen
indeed to bear no slight resemblance to the Hebrew ft. I
have already pointed out8 how a form of ft, almost iden-
tical with *Z\, which is found in the legends occurring on
certain of the latest of the Parthian drachms, has arisen
from the Phoenician form ^, which is found on other
specimens, and in the Parthian or Chaldaeo-Pehlvi text of
the Sassanian inscriptions, the transverse line gradually
ceasing to be prolonged upwards, so as at last no longer
to cut the horizontal line, but to proceed downwards from
it. The prolongation of this line in the letter under exami-
nation would convert it into an unequivocal Phoenician M.
The Palmyrene forms vary but little. In accordance with
what I have mentioned as to the cursive Hebrew, I may
compare the second form of the Rabbinical M, y) in the
Vienna alphabets, or in Ballhorn. The Sassanian, as well
as the modern Syriac M, are simply the Phoenician letter
written in one stroke, and closed below. The Phoenician
form from which have arisen these letters, is, however, as I
think, comparatively modern. The original form is to be
found in those inscriptions on weights from Nimrud, pub-
lished by Mr. Layard,9 whose explanation we expect from
Mr. Norris. The form V^ which occurs in them is also
found in the Archaic Greek alphabet, from which we may
conclude it to be a very old Phoenician form.10 I justify

unable to enter upon the linguistic reasons for considering it as
earlier, but I doubt their conclusiveness.

8 Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. XVII.

9 Nineveh and Babylon, 1853, p. 601.

10 I notice that Gesenius (Monumenta, p. 36) considers this as
a more recent form of D, and the ordinary Phcenician as the
most ancient. I rely, however, upon the Archaic Greek, and the

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

this conclusion by recalling the fact, that our oldest Greek
inscriptions are of greater antiquity than any Phoenician
inscriptions known, the natural inference from which is,
that we may derive from the archaic Greek an older
Phoenician alphabet than from the Phoenician inscrip-
tions themselves. This inference is perfectly borne out
by these inscriptions, which are either Phoenician, or, as I
rather believe, the cursive Assyrian, from which the Phoe-
nicians derived their alphabet, and whose letters agree, to
a considerable extent, with the archaic Greek.

The second letter, j, has precisely the Sabaean form
of 7. Although in most of the old Syriac or Palmyrene
alphabets the 7 is a well-marked letter, resembling the
Hebrew form ; it assumes, in the first Vatican bas-relief,
precisely the form found on this coin, and the Estranghelo
and modern Syriac alphabets correspond.

The third letter, 3 , resembles the Estranghelo and the
Hebrew 3. The Chaldee Pehlvi form, as seen in the
inscription of Haji-abad, corresponds very nearly.

The fourth letter, j< , is to be compared with the Es-
tranghelo form, rxi, the only analogy I know, as in all the
other old Syriac alphabets the A corresponds almost ex-
actly in form to the Hebrew tf . Its position at the end of
the word, the first three letters of which are shown to be
D*?£ m, I, k, shows that it can only be tf . We thus ob-
tain the usual title malka, &O/Jb king, the only word ad-
missible. It is not difficult to see how such a character
as that before us could be formed from the Hebrew X, or
the similar Palmyrene letter from which the Hebrew one
originated. The form of the Aramaean K, as seen on the

weight-inscriptions, and do not hesitate to differ even from his
authority on this point.

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 9

Turin papyrus in Gesenius, tab. 4, shows how easily the
letter before us is to be derived from the Palmyrene. I
may quote also a Palmyrene form S\ , which might easily
pass into such a letter as the present;11 the German
Raschi A of the Vienna sheets has a form v, the analogy
of which with the present letter is evident.

Having thus ascertained the word before the head to
contain the regal title, I proceed to the second word.
This consists of three letters only, the second and third
of which have been ascertained to be a, I.

The first letter, 1, is precisely the v, 1, of the first Vati-
can bas-relief, as well as of the Aramaean inscription of
the Carpentras stone. This letter varies in the Palmyrene
inscriptions ; in the second Vatican bas-relief, while the
letter remains straight, the upper curve becomes an
angle, 7 ; while in the inscriptions from Palmyra, as well
as in the Sassanian alphabet, the curve being retained,
the stem is bent in the contrary direction, so that at last
the letter is precisely reproduced by the figure 2. A
form ?, half way between the letter on the coin before us
and the Sassanian form, is found on the very curious
Latin and Palmyrene inscription discovered some years
ago in Africa.12

Having thus given my reasons for the reading of every
letter separately, I think myself authorised to transcribe
the legend as —

Malka Val. King Val.
and ascribe the coins to Val, sew of Sahru, who is recorded

11 See the second line of the Palmyrene inscription given by
Kopp (Bilder und Schriften, vol.ii. 133).

12 Revue Archeologique, voL iv. p. 732. De Luynes.

VOL. XVIII.

10 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

by Dionysius of Telmahar to have reigned over Edessa
for two years, 139 — 140, A.D.IS I will afterwards relate
so much as is known respecting him, or rather respecting
the period at which he reigned, as his personal history is
restricted to the facts already mentioned.

The coin No. 1 has also on reverse a legend, of which I
am unable to give an explanation. The first word, that
of four letters, contains, however, three which we already
know, -7tf ala. By comparing the unknown letter <N with
the Hierosolymitan He m, or with that of the Estranghelo
alphabet CTT, it is evident that this letter is the Hebrew PI,
and that the word is the Chaldee tfrhtf God. I have
not been able to satisfy myself as to the reading of the
other word. The first letter resembles the M already as-
certained, but in the allied alphabets H and p come very
near to O in form, and this letter might correspond to any
of the three. The second reproduces the Hebrew PI, and
may possibly have the same power. The third corresponds
exactly to some forms of the Palmyrene PI, and is very
near the Aramaean. I hesitate to give it this power, how-
ever, from having found a different letter in the first word,
to which I can assign no other power. However, as the
reading of the reverse is by no means necessary to the
attribution of the coins, my present object, I willingly
abandon the reverse to the researches of Orientalists.

The diligence of Bayer has exhausted the materials for
a history of Edessa ; and the subject has been accordingly
almost neglected since his time. Wise, indeed, has given
a judicious summary in his Letter to Masson,14 but his re-

13 Bayer, Historia Osrhoena et Edessena (4to St. Petersburg,
1734), p. 157.

14 Epistola de nummo Abgari regis, p. 299 — 310 of his
Nummorum Bodleianornm Catalogue, 1750.

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 11

marks do not touch the period of the coins which I have
published. M. Saint Martin has left the commencement
of a history of Edessa in his Fragments d'une histoire
des Arsacides, but he unfortunately stops just before the
period in question.15

T propose to commence the following sketch rather
earlier than might be thought absolutely necessary, as I
find in no English book any account of the period. I
draw from Bayer all my materials, some only of which
I have been able to consult in the original.

I commence with the first campaign of Trajan in the
East; in the year 113, A.D., that prince was at Antioch,
making preparations for the approaching campaign against
Armenia and Parthia. The king of Edessa, named by
Dion Cassius Avyapos or "Ay(3apo<;,16 fearing equally the
Romans and the Parthians, did not declare himself for
either party. He temporized for some time, and though
summoned by Trajan to his presence, declined to attend
him, on the plea of illness, but sent him numerous
presents, and as his substitute his son Arbandes. The
youth ingratiated himself with Trajan, and thereby suc-
ceeded in averting from his father the displeasure of the
emperor. Some time after, however, Trajan, at the head
of his army, directed his march towards Edessa, and Ab-

!5 Vol. i., p. 104— 162.

16 These kings are called by various names in the Greek and
Eoman historians : Augarus, Abgarus, Agbarus, or Akbarits, are
indifferently used. ABFAPOC, however, always appears on the
coins, and should be preferred. Bayer, indeed, gives one coin
(Plate vii. 4), on which, instead of the F we see the K not un-
frequently used on the Edessene coins, which wants the lower
oblique stroke thus, Y. The legend of this coin might thus be
read ABKAPOC, but it may be a mere slip of the engraver, from
the resemblance of the letters 1" and Y.

12 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

gams could no longer temporize. Persuaded by his son,
he went out to meet Trajan, before his entrance into the
town, and offered him numerous presents as tokens of his
submission. Trajan, however, refused to accept the pre-
sents, but not altogether to slight the offers of Abgarus,
he accepted three cuirasses. We learn from a passage of
Suidas, that Abgarus took the opportunity of getting rid
of a troublesome neighbour, by inducing, and perhaps
guiding, Trajan to the attack of Anthemusia. Bayer
says, " auctore et duce Abgaro," which has probably led
M. Saint Martin to state, that Abgarus not only per-
suaded Trajan to attack Anthemusia, but accompanied
him. There is, however, no warrant for this in the words
of Suidas.17

According to the chronicle of Dionysius of Telmahar,
this sovereign was called, not Augaros, as in Dion Cassius,
but Mannus son of Ajazeth. Dionysius states, that he
reigned sixteen years and eight months ; and the calcula-
tion of Bayer places the commencement of his reign in
August, A.D. 99, the end in April, 116, A.D.18 The differ-
ence of names between the native and the Greek historian
is of no consequence, as it recurs in all periods of the
history of Edessa. The reason is probably, as Moses of
Khorene expressly says, that Abgarus is a title, and not a
name. He declares that the word is really the Armenian
Avagair, which he translates, Primarius et summits vir.19
This is certainly more probable than the idea of Wise,

17 'O Sf Tpdiavoc iteXavvei we firl riff 'Ai'Se/j.ovaiav yijv iirl
ravrrjy ycip Knl" AyflapoQ vtyrjytiro ilvai. Trajan advanced into the
district Anthemusias ; Abyarus, indeed, had induced him to proceed
thither. — Suidas, sub vocc, "Ytyriyi'iffovrai.

is Bayer, pp. 149, 153.

19 Bayer, p. 74. Moses Cliorenensis — London edition, p. 165.

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 13

that the name Abgarus has been formed by metathesis,
and the change of the surd k into the sonant g, from the
Arabic j^ the greatest."0

We have no further accounts of this prince, although a
passage of Dion Cassius, respecting a prince of the name
of Mannus, elsewhere called a phylarch of the frontiers of
Arabia, who sent troops to the assistance of Mebarsapes,
king of Adiabene, against the Romans, has been by Bayer
considered to refer to him.51 The objection is obvious,
that Dion Cassius gives the name of Augaros to the prince
of Edessa, and would not elsewhere have called him
Mannus, while we see no reason for such a proceeding on
the part of this sovereign. I would prefer to suppose with
M. Saint Martin, that the phylarch Mannus was more
probably the prince of Atra, whom we know to have been
hostile to the Romans.

We have seen, that, according to the calculations of
Bayer, this prince must have died about April, 116, A.D.

It is not possible to fix the precise period when Trajan

20 Wise, p. 309, Note 1. Bayer had already, p. 74, mentioned,
but rejected this derivation.

21 Bayer, p. 150. M. Saint-Martin at first considered this
passage to refer to some other dynast (Mesene et Characene, p.242)r
whom he conjectures, with some plausibility, to be the prince of
Atra, a neighbouring town, now El Hadhr, famous by its resist-
ance against both Trajan and Severus. This is very possible, but
whether it is the case or not, I believe that the Mannus who
assisted Mebarsapes of Adiabene against the Romans, is the
Mannus who had sent ail embassy to Trajan, professing his good
will, but deferring any proof of it ; and I think that this latter
cannot be identified with the prince of Edessa mentioned by Dion.
M. Saint-Martin, in his later work, had modified his opinions so
far as to consider the passage as referring to the prince, son of the
Augaros of Dion, called by that writer Arbandes, but who is
known from Dionysius really to have borne, or assumed, the name
Mannus, that of his father also. I do not consider this so probable,
however, as his first idea.

14 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

declared Edessa to form part of the Roman province of
Mesopotamia. The reduction of the rest of Mesopotamia
may be certainly placed in the year 115, A.D., but no men-
tion is made in this year of any conquest of Edessa. As,
however, Edessa is expressly stated to have revolted from
Trajan, and as this occurred in the year 116, A.D., probably
when that year was far advanced, we may suppose, that
on the death of the old king, Trajan took advantage of
the opportunity of declaring Edessa part of the Roman
dominions. Bayer, p. 153, has conjectured that Mannus
was crowned by Trajan, but revolted from him. This is
based on a passage of Suidas, which seems to say, that
Mannus broke faith with the emperor in spite of the
alliance concluded between them. No reason is assigned
for such conduct, however; and on consulting Bern-
hardy's edition of Suidas, I found, to my surprise, a very
different text, ascribing to the emperor the want of faith,
and breach of the treaties concluded between them.82 I

28 'O Se Tropa Mtivyov aire-^ujpnyc, ^t^iac rt 7rapa/3ae> &£ Ba<rt\et
icat op\ovQ irar>/<Tac, owe w/zo<re. {Suidas, 8. V., Ae£ioe).
But he departed from Mannus, breaking faith with the king, and
violating the oaths which he had made. Bayer gives irtpl for impo,
and /3a<riX£i/e for ftamXtl, and his translation transfers the guilt
from Trajan to Mannus. It is not impossible, however, that in
place of appropriating the whole of Osrhoene as Roman territory,
Trajan only took possession of a part of it, as is mentioned in
Suidas, s. v., 'ili/Tjrjj. Kcu TIIV \u>pav eirtrptVm' Tpa'iavy Avyapov,
Kaiirep on wvr]rriv CK ITaicopoii £X£l ^>aftwv iroXXuty ^pT^mrwi', Kal
TOVTO affp.lvti>G Ty flaariXel yivtrai. And Augarus made over to
Trajan the territory which he had bought from Pacorus for a great
sum. This was agreeable to the emperor. I render basileus as
emperor ; since the proceeding certainly could not have been very
pleasing to the king. Suidas elsewhere calls Trajan fiarnXwc,
s. v. "Auyapog. The former passage was from Arrian ; this is
probably from Dion Cassius, and as he always calls Augarus the
king, whose real name was Mannus, the difference of the names
cannot prevent us from combining the passages. It would cer-

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 15

do not hesitate to prefer this explanation, so fully in
accordance with what we know of the policy of Trajan
during the war. In fact, by this he converted Mespo-
tamia into a compact province, having already overcome
the other kings who reigned in these regions, as those of
Adiahene and Anthemusias. It is easy to see on this
supposition the reason why Edessa, as well as the other
provinces, revolted, as soon as Trajan had left them on
his southern voyage. This we know happened in the year
116, A.D. Trajan, so soon as he was informed of the revolt
of the newly conquered provinces, sent generals to reduce
the rebels. I need only here mention the fate of Edessa,
which was taken and ruined by Lusius Quietus.

It is most probable, as no other son of the king already
mentioned is named, that the Arbandes of Dion Cassius is
the Maanu son of Maanu of the Syrian chronicler, who
reigned from the death of Maanu for twenty-three years,

tainly appear that these may relate rather to the old king ; as
Trajan's presence with an army left him no power of choice or of
refusal, we may readily suppose that the forced abandonment to
Trajan of a territory bought for a great sum from Pacorus, might
be considered as justifying such expressions as those in the first
passage. This despoilment then of a great part of the territory,
may perhaps be considered as a sufficient cause for the revolt
which took place in 116 A.D., even though Trajan may not have
previously declared Edessa a part of the Koman dominions. In
this case, the departure of Trajan on his southern voyage, and the
accession to the throne of a young king (the old king having died
about April, 116), may be received as sufficient incitements to
the Edessenes, already provoked by their loss of territory, to join
the general revolt. The declaration of the subjection of Edessa
must in this case be placed after its siege and reduction by
Quietus. I leave my readers to judge between these various
suppositions, having placed before them the evidence, so far as
I am acquainted with it, for each. It seems to me that there is
not sufficient to decide whether the appropriation of Edessa pre-
ceded or followed the reduction of the city by Quietus, and upon
this point the decision of the question must depend.

16 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

that is, to 139, A.D. It is not probable that Trajan allowed
him to retain the title of king ; he can only have really
begun to reign when Hadrian abandoned the conquests of
Trajan, in the year 117, A.D. We shall see, however, that
he, or, at any rate, his native chronicler, dated, as we might
expect, his reign from the death of his father, in the year
116, A.D. I may point out, that whether my conjecture as to
the time when Trajan took possession of Edessa, on the
death of the old king, be correct, or whether, as is equally
possible, he may have done so earlier, that is, in the year
115, A. D., or whether, as Bayer, though without sufficient
reason, conjectured, Mannus himself revolted at first from
Trajan, the fact remains the same, that Edessa was in oppo-
sition to the Romans in the year 116, A.D., and was taken
by assault, burned, and ruined in the course of that year,
so that Mannus certainly could not have occupied the
throne during the whole of that year. As my conjecture
supplies a reason for the revolt which took place, while
that of Bayer leaves it causeless, it may perhaps be
preferable.

Eckhel places in the year 116, A.D., the issue of the coin of
Trajan with the legend, Armenia Mesopotamia in potestatem
P. R. redacts. It must have been then, either at the end
of 115, A.D., or rather in the year 116, A.D., that Trajan
declared Mesopotamia a Roman province.23 Trajan was still
probably in Assyria when this was declared; and the Edes-
senes were of course obliged to submit. Abulfaragius says,
although he erroneously places it under the fourth year of
Hadrian, that magistrates were sent from Rome to Edessa ;
and this probably should be understood rather of this
period, than, as Bayer has done, of the time between the

23 Eckhel, Doctrina, vol. vi., p. 488.

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 17

siege of the city by Lusius and the death of Trajan, as
the proper magistrates would of course be sent without
delay, so soon as Mesopotamia was declared a Roman
province.24 It is certain that Abulfaragius is wrong in
placing this under the reign of Hadrian, as, instead of
subjugating Edessa, that emperor liberated it. We know
from Spartian, that Trajan had appointed a legate over
Armenia, and we cannot doubt that Mesopotamia was
treated in the same way.

Maanu, or Mannus, is declared by Dionysius to have
reigned twenty-three years, after which he fled to the
Romans. He remained at Rome two years, during which
his throne was occupied by Val son of Sahru. After two
years he returned to Edessa, and reigned twelve years
more. Dionysius adds, that his reign was in all thirty-six
years.25 The difference between the computations is simply
explained by saying, that he died in the thirty-sixth year
of his reign. As Dionysius places the commencement of
the reign of Val in the year 2154 of Abraham — 139, A.D.,
it is evident that the twenty-three years of his reign count
from the death of his father in 116 A.D., and that the period
during which Trajan had excluded him from the throne
was ignored in the native chronicles.

As we might infer from the fact that Mannus fled to
the Romans, and as Bayer had already conjectured, Val
was a Parthian vassal. This is proved by the coin,
on which his head occurs on reverse of that of a Parthian
prince, whom the date of his reign shows to have been
Arsaces XXVII., Vologeses II.

Capitolinus says of Antoninus Pius, to show the power

84 Abul-Pharagii-Historia Dyna^tiarum, p.76.
25 Bayer, p.157.

VOL. XVIII. D

18 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

and authority which he possessed even in foreign regions,
" Abgarum regera ex orientis partibus sola auctoritate
deduxit ; caussas regales terminavit." It is, however, seen
by the statement of Dionysius of Telraahar, that Abgarus
did not, as Capitolinus declares, come to Rome by com-
mand of the emperor, but was expelled by the Parthians,
or a rebellious party of his own subjects. Indeed, it was
no such great effort of authority, and no extraordinary
proof of his power, to summon to Rome a prince who
was an ally of Rome, and had been restored to his throne
by Hadrian. The real proof of his authority, and that to
which the words " sola auctoritate" would better apply, is
that conveyed in the second clause, caussas regales termi-
narit, he settled the rival claims to the throne. Bayer has
already seen that this referred to the affairs of Edessa,
and has said, " Est igitur Vales a pnesidibus Syria pulsus,
ant Romanorum minis regno dejectus." I do not hesitate
to explain the words of Capitolinus in the latter manner,
and to say that the authority of Antoninus Pius, and the
fear of the Roman arms, induced the Parthian king,
Vologescs II., who did not wish to be embroiled with
Rome, to abandon his vassal, and to withdraw the Par-
thian garrison, if such there was in Edessa, as is most
probable.46 Capitolinus knew this apparently, and not

26 There exists a passage of Procopius (de Bello Persico ii ,
cap. 12), which may he applied to this period. I give as follows,
from Bayer, p.lo2, the latter part of it : j^orw £t TroXXv vorrtpov
'E^tffTjvoJ avfXoirec. TUV (3apfiapu>v rove atyitriv ivtiffiovvrac <f>povpovQ,
iviloaav PW//O/OIC riiv iroXiv. A considerable time after, the
Edessenes, the barbarian (Parthian) garrison among them having
been withdrawn, gave up the city to the Romans. Procopius gives
no clue to the time to which this passage refers. Wise, p. 308,
considers it to refer to the period of Caracalla, who destroyed the
independence of Edessa, and led Abgarus captive to Rome.
Bayer, on the other hand, refers it to the conquest of Edessa by

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 19

knowing, or not caring to know, how Abgarus came to be
at Borne, preferred to declare that Antoninus had sum-
moned him thither; this, however, is in opposition to the
native history, and is by no means so probable.

After Mannus had been two years at Rome, we may
safely infer that Antoninus Pius sent him back to Edessa,
perhaps accompanied by a guard, and called upon the
Edessenes to reinstate him. We know that they must
have done so, and that Mannus reigned unnoticed in
history for twelve years more, dying, according to Bayer,
about April, 153, A.D.

Bayer engraves acoin with the legend KAICA AAPIANOC,
R ABFA . . . according to his reading.27 Eckhel hesi-
tates to admit the correctness of the reading, principally,
however, because the prince mentioned by Dionysius, who
was the contemporary of Hadrian, the fugitive, whose
history I have related, was called Mannus.28 This is
hardly a sufficient reason, however, for rejecting the coin.
The head on the reverse certainly does not much resemble
Hadrian ; but as it has as little resemblance to any other
sovereign connected with the Edessene kings, this need
not be considered decisive. If the coin is well engraved,
the tiara is somewhat different from that seen on other
coins of the Abgari. It is singular, however, that so far
as I can judge by the catalogues of public or private col-
lections, no second specimen seems to exist. I may also
mention that the star before the head of Abgarus is most

Trajan, under the rule of Mannus, son of Aiazeth, before the
vear 116 A.D. It seems to me to accord much better with the date
at which I have placed it, than that of the dethronement of Val,
and reinstatement of Mannus, A.D. 141.

27 Bayer, tab iv.,No. 2, p. 155.

28 Eckhel, Doctrina, vol. iii., p. 521.

20 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

frequent on the coins of Gordian, as well as that the K
commencing the word K 1C P is written in a manner
often found on the same coins, that is, without the lower
oblique stroke. The legend does not so clearly give the
name of Hadrian, that it might not equally contain that
of Gordian. I incline, from these points, to doubt the
attribution of the coin, although I hesitate absolutely to
condemn it. If it really exists, it is the earliest coin
known of the Kings of Edessa. If not, the coins of
Val commence the series. The Greek coins which form
the remainder of the series are too well-known to
require any remarks on my part. I have still, however,
a Syriac coin to place in the series, whose description
follows : —

Obv. — Beardless male head to right, with a conical cap set
with pearls, over which the diadem.

Rev. — Legend in two lines across the field, each composed
of four letters. M. 2£. IE. 3. British Museum,
Hunterian Museum, French Cabinet.

An inspection of the legend, with the alphabet obtained
from the former coins, will show the lower word to be
tfyjfo, malca, king. The letters are joined together here,
as they are in Syriac. The character, indeed, of this
coin is very nearly identical with the Estranghelo ;
and, bearing in mind that the Estranghelo M and are
the same as those on this coin, though they differ in modern
Syriac, we need no further proof as to the reading than
a comparison of the transcription — Mdnu malka, King
Mannus.

I have already mentioned that Sestini has adverted to
these coins, and has classed them, as I do, to a Mannus of
Edessa. He read, however, Scialid-el-Maan, which he
translated Rex Mannus, I cannot imagine how he arrived

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 21

at this reading.29 It is evident that this coin is later than
the coins of Val, both from its appearance and from the
character used in the legends, which approaches more to
the ordinary Syriac. It is difficult, however, to class it
with certainty to any particular prince. Sestini has
naturally placed it after the well-known coin, bearing the
heads and names of Abgarus and Manus (MANNOC IIAIC)
and the tiara on both coins certainly agrees sufficiently
well.30

It is very uncertain, however, that this prince ever
reigned without his father, Abgarus Severus. This period
of history is excessively embroiled and indistinct, as may
be seen in Bayer and Wise, neither of whom have suc-
ceeded in clearing up the difficulties connected with it. If
this prince, the MANNOC IIAIC of the Greek coins, ever
really reigned, as may be inferred from the coins with
Maanu malka, that is, if he reigned as an independent king
after his father's death, he has been, by the historians, con-
founded with his father under the name Abgarus. I have
attempted in vain to form a clear idea of the period, the
conjectures and approximations of the former writers being,
to some extent, invalidated by the occurrence of the pre-
sent coin, which would seem to require a separate and
independent reign for Mannus, while the confused and
contradictory accounts of various historians seem to leave
no space for such a reign, unless on the supposition that

29 Descriptio Numorum Veterum, p 533.

" Caput regis tiara rotunda tectum, K. Scialid el Maan litteris

chaldaicis."

" Sine alio typo. 3. Mus. Ainslie et Cousinery."
" Non vedo che nessuno abbia descritta alcuna medaglia con

1'epigrafe in Caldeo, che dice Rex Maanus o Mannus"

30 See this coin engraved by Haym (Tesoro Britannico, vol. ii.
p. 57), Wise (p. 299), Pellerin (Rois, p. 155. Tab xvi.).

22 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

he is by them called Abgarus. In this case, it is impos-
sible to decide precisely when his father died and he
succeeded to the throne. I will attempt, however, so far
as possible, an approximation to this event, making use of
the materials and conjectures of Bayer and Wise. Eckhel
places, in the year 216 A.D., the treacherous behaviour of
Caracalla, who summoned to a conference at Antioch the
last King Abgarus (called by Dionysius Abgarus son of
Mannus), detained him a captive, and took possession of
Edessa.31 The Chronicon Edessenum mentions as king, in
the year 201 A.D., Abgarus son of Mannus, so that we may
place, at latest, at the commencement of the year 200 A.I). ,
the accession of this prince, who is stated to have reigned
seventeen years.

Dionysius gives to Abgarus son of Mannus a reign of
thirty-five years, from 153 to 188 A.D. We know, at any
rate, from the coins of Aurelius, Verus, and Commodus,
that an Abgarus was on the throne during the greater
part of this time.3* We may admit, then, his dates, as

31 Eckhel, Doctrina, vol. vii. 216.

32 Eckhel iii. 512, quotes from Patin only, the coins of Aurelius
and Verus. It is curious, that he should have forgotten that
Belley also (Mem. Acad. B. L. xxv. 87) had described these coins
from the French Cabinet. I find by Arneth's Synopsis, however,
that both now exist in the Vienna Cabinet. Colonel Leake
describes a coin of Aurelius (Numismata Hellenica, Kings, p. 39),
and I possess one which certainly bears the head of Verus,
though it is badly struck, and the legends are wanting. Those
of Oommodus occur more frequently. Eckhel, vol. iii. 514,
Arneth p. 77, Sestini, Mus. Hedervar, partc terza, p. 128, etc.

It would seem that a coin exists with the head of Pescennius,
which is remarkable enough. Sestini first described it from the
Knobelsdorf Museum (Lettere, vol.vi.p. 83, tab.ii.), and considered
it as of Pescennius, although the legend was indistinct. The
head in his engraving certainly resembles Pescennius ; and I notice
that Dr. Pinder (Antiken Munzen, p. 282) admits it without any
mark of doubt, as of Pcsccnnius, while the elements of comparison

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 23

there is no reason to doubt their exactitude. He then
mentions " Abgarus Severus, who reigned along with his
son one year seven months." This carries us from 188
into 190 A.D. He does not mention the descent of this
Abgarus, neither does he explain how he came to commence
his reign along with his son, who is seen from the next
passage to be a Mannus. This has led Wise33 to conjecture
Abgarus the son of Mannus, and Abgarus Severus, to be
the same king; the second being simply intended to
denote, as it were, a new reign along with his son, and
this is not improbable. There remains, however, the
difficulty that Abgarus Severus is made to die in 190 A.D. ,
while Severus only came to the throne in 193 A.D. We
cannot, therefore, suffer Abgarus Severus to reign so short
a time along with his son Mannus, the rather as the coins
which show them united are not of such excessive rarity
as might be expected from a reign of nineteen months
only. We must, then, prolong the reign of Abgarus
Severus at least into that of Severus, 193 A.D. If Mannus
reigned, then, at all, it must have been between 193 A.D. and

are at his disposal, the Berlin Museum possessing coins both of
Commodus and Severus. I still incline, however, to consider the
coin as of Severus, either altered or badly preserved. The legend
is IlABrAPOC. Sestini rejected the idea that the II which
precedes the name could be the last letter of CGII, Seplimius,
which would show the coin to be of Severus. This is, however,
the only plausible explanation that can be offered ; and I prefer it,
as the situation of the letter II commencing the part of the legend
before the head, agrees well enough with such a restoration of
the first part.

The Greek coins of the Abgari are beyond the scope of my
present investigations ; I must earnestly recommend, however, a
comparison of all existing specimens, as I imagine a careful inves-
tigation of the various portraits would probably lead to some
reliable results as to various doubtful points of their history.

33 Wise, Epistola, u. s.

24 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

200 A.D., as the extremes; we have already seen that the
use of the native character coincided with the loss of the
Roman supremacy, during the reign of Val; may I be
allowed, then, to refer these Syriac coins of Mannus to the
revolt of the Edessenes against the soldiers of Pescennius,
which furnished a pretext for the attack of Severus, in the
year 195 A.D.?34 In the year 198 A.D., we again find men-
tion of a King of Osrhoene, who brought to the assistance
of Severus a number of archers, and gave him as hostages
some of his children.35 This king is called, as usual,
Abgarus; it would, however, appear probable that he was
really the Mannus whom I have attempted to follow. He
may have died shortly afterwards, as we have already seen
that 200 A.D. is the probable date for the accession of the
last king, Abgarus son of Mannus.

Dionysius places, in the year 1 90 A.D., the commencement
of the independent reign of Mannus, and makes him reign
for twenty-six years. It is easily seen that this is impos-
sible, as he accords to Abgarus, son of Mannus, a reign of
seventeen years, and as from 190 A.D. to the destruction of the
independence of Edessa is only the twenty-six years which
he gives to Mannus. This number, then, must be rejected.
We have seen above that Mannus commenced to reign
with his father in the year 188 A.D., according to Dionysius
himself. Supposing that by some error Dionysius has

34 See Bayer, p. 163-4. Wise, p. 306, and Note. Eckhel,
vol. vii. 172.

35 I have here followed the calculation of Eckhel, vol. vii. 176,
who places in the year 198 A.D. the attack upon Atra, just before
which Augarus, or Abgarus, is stated to have brought him troops.
Tillemont places this under 197 A.D., while Wise assigns the date
199 A.D. We have no means of fixing the precise date ; but I have
already declared that I seek only an approximation to the various
events, and in such an approximation a year either way is of no
great importance.

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 25

blended together the reigns of Mannus and of his son, we
may deduct the seventeen or sixteen years of the latter's
reign (the difference being immaterial for obvious reasons) ;
we thus obtain a reign of ten years in all for Mannus.
Dionysius, in pursuance of his erroneous idea, that Abgarus
Severus reigned only nineteen months, was obliged to
place the commencement of the independent reign of
Mannus in 190 A.D. We may disregard this, having shewn
that Abgarus Severus must have lived some years longer.
We place them in 188 A.D. , the commencement of the ten
years' reign of Mannus, and this carries us to the year
198 A.D. I have already mentioned that in this year, or
according to Wise, in the year 199 A.D., an Abgarus King of
Osrhoene is mentioned. This may be either our Mannus,
called Abgarus, by a repetition of the constant error, or it
may be Abgarus, his son, with the commencement of whose
reign, 199 A.D., would agree as well as the date, 200 A.D.,
formerly mentioned. From these various approximations,
it would seem probable that Mannus really did reign in
Edessa after the death of his father, Abgarus, during a
period which cannot begin before 193, A.D., nor end later
than 199 A.D. Abgarus Severus must have thus reigned at
least forty years ; and it is certain that the head on coins
of Severus is that of a very old man.

The history of the Edessene kings is still very imper-
fectly known, like the history of so many other Oriental
kingdoms, and the labours of Bayer and Wise have left
much involved in doubt. They have, indeed, exhausted
the existing materials for the task, and it is to be feared
we can hardly expect new sources of information to be
opened to us. We may, however, hope that some little
additional information may be derived from coins yet to
be discovered ; it appears to me that the coins I have de-

VOL XVIII. E

26 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

scribed throw some light, though indeed but a slender
ray, upon the written history ; and others, of even more
interest, may yet be discovered.

The next coin, No. 4, has been already engraved, but
imperfectly, by M. Saint Martin.36 He attempted, but in
vain, to explain the legend, and failed, as Dr. Combe had
done with regard to the coins of Val, by reversing the
coin. He was led into this error by the direction in which
the Greek legends of the Characenian coins are placed.
Holding the coin in the same direction, he observed that
both the words composing the legend began with the same
letter. He concluded that the round letter, comprising
the legend according to his reading, must be an M, both
because the shorter word might safely be inferred to be
the regal title, which in most of the Oriental idioms com-
mences with M, and from a comparison with some forms
of that letter. He noticed, also, that the last and ante-
penultimate letter of the second and longer word were
alike ; and since, as already noticed, he considered the first
letter as an M, he proposed to read the name as Moneses,
a name which answered to these conditions. He was
unable, however, to analyse the legend.37

I have taken the obverse of the coin from a specimen on
which the obverse is well preserved, while the reverse is
indistinct ; while, on the other hand, a specimen, in which
these conditions are altered, has furnished me with the
reverse. Both are in the British Museum. On turning
the coin in the way it should be viewed, it will be at once
seen that the first letter of the lower word is the often
recurring Estranghelo and Sabsean M. The second is the

36 Recherches sur la Mesene et la Characene, Plate, No. 5.

37 Recherches, p. 2 19, 220.

REGAL COINS OP MESOPOTAMIA. 27

L of the same alphabets, with the upper part bent back.
This makes no difference whatever, as it does not cause
any confusion with any other letter. The third is the
Estranghelo K already seen, which is but slightly modified
in the Nestorian and Sabsean alphabets. The last letter
is different from that formerly seen as following the letters
m I k. The far greater analogy visible between the coin le-
gends and the Sabsean modification of the Syriac alphabet,
than between them and the Estranghelo, or modern Syriac,
justifies us in appealing rather to the Sabsean than to the
others, when any discrepancy occurs. The Sabsean O, A
reproduces precisely the letter on the coin. It is only in
the Nestorian and modern Syriac alphabets that this form
represents V, while in the Estranghelo the circle is not
closed. The precise correspondence, then, of the Sabsean
A with this letter gives us as before the word Malka.

I proceed to the upper word, which is evidently a proper
name. The first and third letters are the same, and are
mere points. In the Aramsean alphabet, however,
the I is a triangular point, Avhile in the Palmyrene alphabet
the ** is sometimes a mere stroke, sometimes a small angle.
Indeed, the form of the Hebrew s itself might almost
authorise us, without these examples, to fix the points as
representing the letter I. The second letter is the He-
brew 3 B, itself, which preserves its form through all the
Syriac alphabets. The fourth letter resembles, through
on a larger proportional scale, the h of the Sabsean. The
identification, however, of the point as s, as well as the
proportionably greater size of the letter, from objections,
and it is pretty certain that the letter is an L, although it
is rather smaller, and wants the backward curve. This,
however, only brings it back to the original form. The
next letter is precisely the Sabsean N, a rather peculiar

28 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

form of the letter. The last letter has been already shewn
to be A. From the comparisons just made, I think I may
safely transcribe the legend as #y?fc JO7*!lS Ibilna malka.
Of course the name may be transcribed in various ways,
and as it is, I believe, unknown in history, we cannot
decide whether to call him Jbilna, Ibilana, or Ydbilana.
One of these names, however, or something very nearly
approaching it, must result from the comparisons which I
have made. The type of the coin is that constantly found
on the coins of Characene, and also of Euthydemus of
Bactria. It is copied from the coins of Antiochus II. It
represents Hercules seated on a rock, holding in his right-
hand a club resting on his knee.38

It is impossible to determine with any certainty the
locality to which this coin belongs. I incline, however,
to consider it as of Characene, from the resemblance of
the type. It is not impossible that the kings of Chara-
cene, who certainly did use the Greek language on their
coins, may have, at a later period, adopted the native lan-
guage and character. This is rendered more probable by
the fact that on the coins of Adinnigaus and Attam-
bilus II. or III. we already find Syriac letters occurring,
between the club of Hercules and his side. Thus, on the
coin of the later Attambilus, No. 4, in the plate of Saint
Martin, the Estranghelo letter X appears, while on that of
Adinnigaus, in the same plate, we see a letter closely
resembling the Estraughelo or the Hebrew ¥. Thus
we see that it is quite possible that so soon as any thing

38 On coins of Characene, Saint Martin, Ilecherches, Plate —
Lindsay, Coinage of Parthia, PL x. xii.
On coins of Bactria, Wilson. Ariana, PI. i. 1, seq.
On coins of Antiochus Theos, Eckhel iii. 218, Pellerin
Rois, PL viii.

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 29

occurred to make the Characenian kings turn towards the
Parthians, and abandon the Roman party, the Greek cha-
racters may have been abandoned in favour of the native
alphabet.39 During the campaign of Trajan, in the east,
we know that the king, Attambilus, who then occupied
the throne, was firm in his alliance with Trajan, and did
not join the general revolt already mentioned. The coin,
No. 4, in Saint Martin, apparently belongs to this Attam-
bilus, as does, T believe, also the coin engraved by Mr.
Lindsay, plate x. After this king, we know nothing more
of Characene, until the time of Julian. M. Saint Martin
has shown that the Podosaces mentioned during the cam-
paign of Julian was a King of Mesene, which included
Characene. The names, however, of the rest of the
successors of Attambilus are unknown to us. It is only
from the type and appearance of this coin that I incline
to place in this interval the King Ibilna, or Yabilna, whose
name I read upon it. The style and fabric shows that it
must be later than the coins of Attambilus.

On the place already mentioned as being on the Greek
coins of Characene occupied by solitary Syriac letters, we
find, on the specimens known of the present coin, similar
letters, which may be, as the others probably are, numerals,
denoting the years of the reign. The coin given by
Saint Martin has the two letters *] z i, while that which I
have engraved has Dtf a m. If these letters are numerals,
they denote respectively 37 and 41.

Coins exist of a very similar type and appearance, which

39 M.Saint Martin (Recherches, 191 seq., 253 seq.) seems to
render it probable that this really was the case, and that the
Arabs who furnished to Aurelius and Severus occasions for
adopting the title Arabicus, were those as well of Characene as of
Atra.

30 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

appear to bear legends in Greek characters, but which
have not yet been found sufficiently distinct to admit^of
being read. I saw, in 1851, a coin of this class, preserved
in the French Cabinet, on which I thought I read . . INI A. . .
Eckhel (D. N. V. III. 562) mentions an analogous coin
" epigraphe ambigua" j and a coin of very barbarous
workmanship, and bearing an imitation only of the Greek
character, exists in the British Museum. The resemblance
of type may authorise us in classing these coins provi-
sionally as " Uncertain of Characene."

The next coin, No. 5, of which two specimens exist in
the British Museum, is quite unintelligible. It bears, on
obverse, a bust with diadems, very similar to that on the
last coin. On reverse, an analogous head, without any
diadem. Behind the head, a letter or sign resembling a
reversed F. Before, an uncertain monogram or symbol ; I
am unable to decide which. It might be viewed as a mo-
nogram, containing the Sabsean letters ^H t b, but though
its form agrees precisely, such an explanation is hardly
satisfactory. Below, close to the bust, a monogram appa-
rently composed of Greek letters ; if this is the case, we
may find it in the letters X, A, Y, N. I am unable, how-
ever, to offer a conjecture as to the meaning of the
monogram. The coin itself is a problem, and its attribu-
tion can only be conjectured when it has been ascertained
where specimens most usually occur.40 The resemblance

40 It would be interesting to know in what part of Mesopo-
tamia the coins of this and the following class are usually found.
This element of their appropriation, however, seems to have been
disregarded, as I find nowhere any hint as to this point. I wish
to call attention to this, as it could be easily enough ascertained by
residents in the East. It is much to be wished, indeed, that the
localities where all these uncertain Oriental coins occur should be
carefully remarked by travellers or residents in the East.

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 31

of the obverse to that of the last coin seems to show con-
nection between the two ; but it is doubtful how far this
connection may have extended, and we are, I think, not
yet authorised to consider them as of the same locality.
The monogram occurring on No. 8 bears a very strong
resemblance to that on the present coin, although the
forms of the Greek characters are hardly so well retained
in the former. It might appear from this that the former
coin was later than the present one, as the monogram,
evidently intended for the same, is not so easily decom-
posed into Greek letters ; whether this is the case or not,
but a slight difference of age can exist between them.

The second specimen in the Museum, which I have not
engraved, differs only in having behind the head, in place
of the reversed r, which is probably the Sabsean L, a letter
which reproduces exactly the Bactrian D. What its power
or import may be here is not obvious, but it is probably
either D or R.

The next coin, No. 6, is also a problem. On obverse is
seen a diademed bust resembling in general character those
on the two last coins. Before the head are two lines of
characters, not well marked upon this specimen, and which
differ, so far as they are visible, from those usually found
on the well-known coins analogous to the present.41 It is

41 Coinage of Parthia, Pl.x., Nos. 15,17. Others are engraved.
Haym, Tesoro Britannico ii. p. 36. Swinton, Philosophical Trans-
actions Ivi., p. 296. Tab. xv. 1,2. Pellerin, Troisieme Supple-
ment, PL ii. 8, 9, 10. Mus. Wiczay i. Tab. xxvii. 590. Mionnet
gives their legends, v. 687, 164, seq. PL xxix., Nos. 4 to 8.
From the Catalogue Allier, p. 115, I learn that Saint Martin
considered them as bearing the head of a king of Osrhoene, and
that of some tributary prince. I do not think this probable,
judging from the appearance of the coins. Swinton, loc. cit.,
read on them in Greek characters IIPOZOT, which he explained

32 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

curious that the two distinct letters in the upper line are
precisely the Arabic or Indian numerals 1, 2; while the
only distinct one in the second, resembles the Phoenician
numeral 10. Whether these signs really are numerals or
letters must, of course, be uncertain. With reference to
the occurrence, however, of the distinct numerals in the
first lines, whether they be used as numerals or letters, I
may be permitted to recall the singular fact that these
very numerals appear to have been in some way used as
letters in the East, on certain monuments. See, for in-
stance, the Druse (?) calf figured by Adler,42 and the very
curious tablet, engraved on both sides and on the edge,
with inscriptions mainly or altogether composed of these
numerals.43 This latter relic resembles much one lately

as IIEPOZOY, for the Persian jjjt* firuz, victorious. He did not,
however, class them to the Sassanian Perozcs or Firiiz, but to
Volgeses II , who appears to be called by that name, or rather
title, by Moses of Chorene.

Fraelich (Notitia Elementaris, p. 230) contrived to read also in
Greek characters KOMOCI . . . and classed the coin to a Getic
or Gothic king, mentioned by Jornandes, and named Comosicus ;
Eckhel was deceived by this classification, when drawing up his
catalogue of the Vienna collection, but afterwards ascertained the
error. — Doctrina, ii. 4.

42 Adler, Museum Cuficum Borgianum i., Tab. 10, 11.

43 Dorow, Morgenlandische Alterthumer, Part ii., Tab. 3.
These are, however, merely cabalistic and astrological mysteries,
as would seem from what M. Reinaud (Monuments Musulmans
ii. 331), says regarding them. He mentions a plate of metal,
which, like that of Dorow, has the figure of a man drawing water
from a well, accompanied by legends in some unknown character,
mixed with Arabic. That engraved by Dorow has no Arabic, but
long legends in a character mostly made up of the Arabic nume-
rals. Round the margin, however, is a legend in some cabalistic
character, not that of any known language. M. Reinaud, p 336,
mentions a similar plate, without any intelligible characters.
Those he mentions were brought from Egypt. The plate in
Dorow may easily be of much greater antiquity than those on
which the Arabic character occurs, as the astrological and caba-

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 33

brought from the East, and now in the possession of Mr.
Lindsay, of Cork.

Having mentioned this only in passing, as unable to
throw any light on the subject, I proceed to call attention
to the monogram situated, as on the former coin, close to
the breast. This contains the same elements as the former,
but the upright stroke is here placed to the left, instead of
to the right, of the A. This would seem to render it pro-
bable that this is merely an I, and should not be connected
with the A to form N, as I mentioned under the last coin,
since it can thus shift its place from right to left.

The reverse shows a bare head, of very rude workman-
ship, in which the hair is separated into six large tufts.
Before the head, a monogram analogous to that mentioned
p. 30, as possibly formed of Sabsean letters. If this idea
be admitted, this monogram would appear to contain the
letters i^ r b. The monogram last adverted to is here
also found, but with the usual form. Behind and below
the head is a legend of several letters. Beginning behind

listic formulae were of great antiquity, and were probably handed
down through many generations. There exists in the Vienna
Museum an engraved stone, figured by Dorow, loc. cit., Tab. iii. 1,
on which we see an astrologer, or diviner, dressed very nearly in
the Assyrian manner, with a tall pointed cap. Behind him a line
of characters identical in part at least with the cabalistic characters
encircling the types on the plate of Dorow. These characters
may possibly belong to the so-called alphabet of the stars. I
regret, however, being unable at present to consult any cabalistic
authorities. I may mention, that the man drawing water from a
well, is known as a charm destined to facilitate discovery of
treasure. Ibn Khaldoun expressly states this. — REINAUD, loc. cit.,
p. 334, where the necessary formalities for the success of the
talisman are detailed. I have no wish to connect with the legends
of the coin under examination these cabalistic characters, or to
conjecture such an explanation of the coin ; the coincidence,
however, seems to me curious, and warrants me in mentioning
these singular monuments.

VOL. XVIII. F

34 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the head, we find first that shibboleth for all these coins,
the Estranghelo M ; the next letter resembles the
Latin M in form, it seems to me to be the Sabsean S A\J±
rather than any other letter. The next three letters are
evidently K, A, Z. The beginning of the legend may be
transcribed, then, as TXD^fi ; how it is to be divided or
explained I do not know, neither am I certain as to the
reading of the rest. It seems to me that part of the legend
must begin below the chin, and read from the outside
round towards the back of the head. The form of two of
the letters shows that we cannot read the legend con-
tinuously in either direction, but must divide it. Possibly
the stroke, instead of being a Z, is merely intended to
mark this division, and in this case the part of the legend
behind the head may be transcribed — mshka, while the
other part may be read N^tfH taba, or tf^Xn khaba. This
part of the legend is, however, by no means free from am-
biguity. I have no idea what the legend can import. The
Moschi, although their name resembles the first part of the
legend, are too far removed from the locality most pro-
bable for the coin, the south of Mesopotamia.44 I have,
however, given what is certainly a clue to the classification
of these coins, and I hope some numismatist, more for-
tunate than myself, will be able to rectify my decipher-
ments where they may be erroneous, and will solve the

44 The Moschi inhabited the range of mountains bearing their
name, the Moschici Monies, forming the boundary between Colchis
and Iberia. The coincidence of the name is exact, "]K>», while
the Septuagint gives Mefft-%, an(l the Vulgate Mosoch, according
to Gesenius. It is impossible, however, to see any connection, as
they were too far removed. The word "JE'D means possession, but
although fcOB'O might easily enough be a Sabsean or Chaldee form
of the word, it is difficult to suppose the legend to have run,
possession, or dominion, of any particular prince. I leave the
question, then, where it was.

REGAL COINS OF MESOPOTAMIA. 35

problem. This coin is a variety as yet, I believe, unpub-
lished, of the well-known rude coins, specimens of which
will be found engraved by Mr. Lindsay. I need not en-
large upon these coins, as I have nothing satisfactory to
state regarding them. I merely mention that the legend
on reverse commences with the word (?) T3y/b Mans, before
the head, and that the word &Ofe?/b appears behind the
head, as on the coin No. 10, while, as on that coin a third
part appears below the head, seldom distinct The reverse
shows the often-recurring Greek monogram, and two lines
of uncertain characters. In the lower line we see again
the semicircle or <~> , which resembles the Phoenician nu-
meral 10, and a character resembling the modern
Syriac M inverted, which has a very strong analogy to a
Palmyrene numeral, which, when preceded by a numeral,
appears to stand for hundreds, when followed by numerals
to have the power 10, according to the comparisons of
Swinton. It resembles much, however, the Palmyrene D.
Whether these signs are letters or numerals, they seem
always to occur on the coins with these types, which are
now very numerous, although, so far as I have seen, always
bearing the same legends on both sides. This is an
objection to finding numerals in the obverse characters,
and it equally prevents our attempting to find on reverse
any proper name, unless, indeed, we could identify with
any part of the legend some name borne by a dynasty of
princes, such as Mannus or Abgarus by the Edessene,
Arsaces by the Parthians, or Mondzer by the Arabs of
Hira.45

45 Mondzer j&~* is a common name in the dynasty of the
Arabs of Hira. These are probably later than the coins, but it is
manifestly impossible to be certain on this point. See Rasmussen's
Historia Arabuui ante Islamisnum. The name, however, was not

36 NUMISMATIC CHEONICLE.

I consider the results obtained in the former part of this
paper as satisfactory, the latter part is professedly a mere
collection of problems, which I now leave for the consi-
deration of numismatists disposed to investigate them.
My tentative decipherments may be erroneous, 1 know
them to be imperfect, but I am satisfied that I have at
least made a commencement in this neglected department
of numismatics.

WILLIAM H. SCOTT.

Edinburgh, November, 1854.

II.

ON THE COINS OF CUNOBELINE WITH THE
LEGEND TASCIOVANI . F.

[Read before the Numismatic Society, April 26th, 1855.]

AMONG the many difficulties that have occurred to all who
have engaged in numismatic pursuits, there is perhaps
none more perplexing, and none on which a greater
variety of opinion has been entertained, than the inter-
pretation of the TASCIA legend upon the coins of Cuno-
beline. So much, indeed, has been said upon this sub-
ject, that I feel as if some sort of apology were due for
entering again upon it ; and this apology will be found in
a new variety of the legend which appears upon a coin

borne by all the princes of this dynasty, so that it is not precisely
a case in point. The resemblance of the name alone induced me
to mention it.

A'«m. CV.i-011. Vol. XVIII, j: 36.

COINS OF CUNOBELINE.

COINS OP CUNOBELINE. 37

that has been lately added to my collection, and which is
engraved as No. 3 in the accompanying Plate.

It will be needless for me to enumerate all the different
surmises that the TASCIA (for so, for conciseness' sake, I
must call it) has given birth to in the imaginations of
antiquaries; but I may remark, at the outset, that the
interpretation which is the best supported by facts, and
which has met with the most general approval on the part
of those best qualified to judge in such a matter, is that of
Mr. Birch,1 who considers it to represent the name of the
father of Cunobeline, which, from the more lengthened
inscriptions upon some of the coins, he judges to have
been Tasciovanus, or rather Tasciovan.

Others have considered the TASCIA to signify tribute-
money, the name of the money er of Cunobeline, or a title
equivalent to that of imperator. The two first of these
theories can at the present day require no refutation ; but
the latter has the merit of being possible, though not pro-
bable, and I shall therefore have occasion again to refer to
it in my consideration of the subject.

The points necessary to be attended to in attempting to
determine such a question as the interpretation of this
legend appear to me to be these : —

1st. The facts of the case as far as the coins themselves
are concerned ; that is to say, correct readings of the
various forms under which modifications of the TASCIA
occur : a neglect of this point is of fatal importance, and
has led to the formation of many absurd theories and
conjectures.

2nd. An attentive comparative examination of the
coins with the TASCIA only upon them, and those on

1 Numismatic Chronicle, vol. vii. p. 78.

38 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

which it appears in conjunction with the name of
Cunobeline.

3rd. An examination of the style of art and the work-
manship of the coins upon which the word occurs in its
most extended forms, with a view to determine whether
they are the work of foreign or native artists, and an
investigation of the sources from whence the various
types of the coins with this inscription have been derived,
so as to ascertain whether they may be regarded as in-
digenous to Britain, or bearing traces of foreign influence.

4th. A consideration of the political history of Britain
at the period when these coins were struck, with the same
view of ascertaining the extent of foreign influence over
the customs of the country.

Upon some of these points it is of course difficult or
impossible to obtain a competent knowledge to enable us
to arrive at a perfectly accurate conclusion; but upon
others there is a sufficient number of facts to guide us to
what will, at all events, be an approximation to the truth.

And, firstly, with regard to the facts of the case. There
can be no doubt that the legend which, even to the time
of Ruding, was regarded as TASCIOVANIT, is in fact
TASCIOVANI • F; or if there had remained the smallest
doubt upon this point, the coin which is given as No. I
of the plate, would at once settle the question, as nothing
can be plainer than the legend TASCIOVANI • F upon it.
I need not describe the type of the centaur blowing a
horn, which is well known, but will merely add that the
coin, as well as the two others engraved with it, was found
in Bedfordshire, and that its weight is 36 grains. There
is another type, which has been frequently referred to
in discussing this subject, with a galeated head, and the
legend CVNOBELINVS on the obverse, and TASCIIO-

COINS OF CUNOBELINE. 39

VANI • F on the reverse, the type being a sow standing to
the right. Of this type I possess a variety which gives
the legend TASCIIOVANII, with an F in the exergue. It
is No. 2 in the Plate, and its weight 37^ grains. But,
beside these, there are the coins with the seated boar on
the reverse, and the legend TASC FIL, in the collections
of Mr. Wigan and the Hon. R. C. Neville. I am aware
that there has been, and still remains, some uncertainty
as to the last letter of this legend, which on Mr. Wigan' s
coin has been considered by some to be an R. I can, how-
ever, from close examination of an impression he was kind
enough to send me, state with confidence, that the sup-
posed R is merely a straight stroke, probably the upright
stroke of an L honey-combed. This letter appears more
plainly, though still not quite indisputably, on Mr. Ne-
ville's coin.2 Mr. Birch, however, who is no mean judge
in such matters, pronounces with certainty the legend to
be TASC . FIL. There is also the silver coin3 with CVNO
on a tablet on the obverse, and a Pegasus on the reverse,
with the legend TASC . F, which was formerly regarded
as TASCE. So far the state of the case has for some time
been known, and the facts acknowledged, but we now
come to the remarkable coin No. 3 in the Plate, which
exhibits a new phase in the question, though the type has
long been known. On the obverse is a horseman to the
right, brandishing a dart in his right hand, and holding a
large oval shield on his left arm; beneath the legend
CVNOB. On the reverse is an armed figure standing, with
a plumed helmet on his head, his right hand resting on a
spear, and holding a circular shield with his left; at his

2 Archaeological Institute Journal, vol. iv. p. 29.

3 Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. VII. Pl.v. 1.

40 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

girdle there apparently hangs a short sword ; the legend
is TASCIIOVANTIS, of which only the latter half is per-
fect. Like the other coins engraved, it is of copper, and
the weight is 40^ grains. It is probable that a similar
but imperfect specimen gave rise to the opinion, that the
legend4 TASCNOVANT appeared on the coins of Cunobe-
line. In addition to these forms, we find the TASCIA on
these coins as TASC, TASCI, TASCIO, TASCIIOVA, TAS-
CIOVAN. On the coins without the name of Cunobeline
the word occurs under the following phases — TAS, TASC,
TASCI, TAXCI, TASCIA, TASCIO, TASCIAV, TASCIAVA,
TASCIOVAN. I omit the varieties of the coins reading
TASCIOVRICON, as of rather 'doubtful attribution.

On examination of the coins inscribed with the TASCIA
only, it appears that they are generally, though not al-
ways, of ruder work than those on which this legend is
found in conjunction with the name of Cunobeline, and
that many of the types are derived from the uninscribed
coins which I have already shown5 to be in nearly all cases
of anterior date to the uninscribed coins. It is also found
that the majority were in all probability coined at Veru-
lam, and not at Camulodunum, the seat of Cunobeline' s
mint. From these circumstances, and from the fact that
they are generally more dished, it may safely be inferred,
that whatever the signification of the legend may be, the
coins with the TASCIA only upon them are of earlier date
and distinct from those of Cunobeline, notwithstanding
the same legend appearing upon both.

Instead of the larger portion of the types of Cunobe-
line's coins being derived from the ruder uninscribed

4 Pettingal's Discourse on the TASCIA, p.l.

5 Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. XII., p. 127.

COINS OF CUNOBELINE. 41

pieces, they bear very frequent and unmistakeable evi-
dence of a foreign influence in the selection of the devices,
which seem to have been not unfrequently borrowed from
coins of Augustus. I might instance the butting bull,
the Pegasus, the seated sphinx, the Victory killing a bull,
and the seated Apollo with the lyre, though some of these
may have been, and indeed probably were, adopted from
other sources. But though occasionally there are .what
would appear to be the original British devices, such as
the boar, upon the coins, yet even then the method of
treatment and the recurrence of Roman divinities, such as
Mercury, Hercules, and Apollo, all point to Roman in-
fluences. At the same time, the workmanship of some is
of so superior a character, that it is almost impossible to
believe them to have been the productions of native
British engravers, but that the dies must have been sunk
by Roman artists. This is the case with the first two
coins of the plate, which are equal in execution to almost
any Roman coins of the period, and the third is not far
behind.

The connection of Britain with Rome during the period
which intervened between the expeditions of Julius and
Claudius is involved in much obscurity, though it will, I
think, be found closer than is commonly supposed. I
will not adduce the statement of Geoffrey of Monmouth,
that Cunobeline himself was brought up at the court of
Augustus, as being of any authority, but I think the
following passage from Strabo, who, let it be borne in
mind, wrote his geography during the reign of Augustus,
is of great importance.

" At the present time, some of the princes in Britain
having, by their embassies and court, gained the friend-
ship of Augustus, have dedicated their offerings in the

VOL. XVIII. G

4-2 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

capitol, and have brought the whole island into a state
little short of intimate union (oliceiav a-^eSov) with the
Romans. They bear moderate customs and dues on the
imports and exports from Gaul, etc." Of these embassies
I think we find a record in the celebrated inscription of
Augustus at Ancyra, which, it is to be lamented, is slightly
imperfect, both in the Greek and Latin versions, at the
part relating to this country — 'Ad me supplices confu-
gerunt Britann[orum reges] Damno Bellaunus et Tim — '
two kings whose names may probably be identified with
the Dubnovellaunus and Tincomius of our coins. Not-
withstanding the long apparent oblivion, neither Augustus
nor Tiberius ever entirely lost sight of Britain; and
though the one considered it ' praceptum/ and the other
' consilium/ not to invade it, yet more than once expedi-
tions were fitted out, and on the point of starting, for the
subjugation of the ' penitus toto divisos orbe Britannos.'
These expeditions failing, the probability is, that the Ro-
mans, partly with a view to the tribute levied in the shape
of customs, and partly to facilitate the ultimate conquest
of the island, which was regarded more as deferred than
relinquished, conciliated the native princes, and thus ad-
vanced the civilization of the country, ' vetere ac jampri-
dem recepta Populi Romani consuetudine, ut haberet in-
strumenta servitutis et reges.' "

If this were the case, it would account for our finding
British coins struck from dies having all the appearance
of being the work of Roman hands, and having Romaniz-
ing types upon them ; at all events, it is evident that the
coins now under consideration were minted under such
influences, and it is from this point of view, namely, re-
garding them as the work of Roman artists, that we must
look for the meaning of the inscription CVNOBELINVS

COINS OF CUNOBELINE. 43

TASCIOVANI . F. Now Cunobeline was a contemporary
of Augustus and Tiberius, and if there is one formula
more common than another on the Roman coins current
at that period, it is that of AVGVSTVS . DIVI . F., and it
was from the evident analogy between this and the British
legend that Mr. Birch suggested the interpretation, "Cu-
nobeline, the son of Tasciovan." Indeed, regarding the
inscription as Latin (and I cannot see in what other light
it can be regarded), it is almost impossible to assign another
signification to the F. The TASCIA would seem then to
designate the father of Cunobeline, whose name would ap-
pear to have been generally rendered in Latin Tasciovanus ;
and it is worthy of remark, that all the old chronicles, on
which, however, much dependence cannot be placed, con-
cur in making the name of Cunobeline' s father commence
with a T. It has been suggested that TASCIOVANVS is
a Latinized form of an ancient British word, now repre-
sented in Welsh by Tywysoy, and signifying a prince, or
rather being nearly equivalent to the Latin Imperator.
But on these coins we have no less than three distinct
forms of the word, which in each case appears with a
genitive termination. These are TASCIOVANVS. gen. I,
TASCIIOVANIVS gen. II, TASCIOVANS gen. VANTIS,
and these are the only three forms in which a British
proper name ending in VAN could be Latinized. Had it
been the name of an office of such importance as to be
inscribed on the coins, there would probably have been
but one recognised form, and that from all analogy termi-
nating in VS, while in Latinizing a proper name more
license might well be taken. Our present knowledge
then seems to bear out the probability of Mr. Birch's
conjecture, for even supposing the F, by some remote pos-
sibility, to signify something else than filius, yet apart

44 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

from this there is every reason to conclude that TASCIO-
VANVS, TASCIIOVANIVS, and TASCIOVANS are the
Latin forms of the name of a ruler among the ancient
Britons, whose name, as it appears on the coins struck
during his lifetime, and before any Roman influence is
discernible on his coins, is, in its most extended British
form, TASCIOVAN.

JOHN EVANS.

III.

ON SOME RARE AND UNPUBLISHED ANCIENT
BRITISH COINS.

[Read before the Numismatic Society, May 24, 1855.]

I HAVE again the pleasure of calling the attention of the
Numismatic Society to the subject of the ancient British
coinage, of which several hitherto unpublished varieties
will be found in the accompanying Plate. The inscriptions
upon some of them are, it is true, but imperfect, and
occasionally difficult of decipherment ; but, instead of im-
proving upon them, I have done my best to preserve the
imperfections and uncertainties of the original coins in the
drawings, though it is impossible, or nearly so, but that in
the representations of partially obliterated or imperfectly
struck coins, especially in copper, the letters and types must
be given with greater distinctness, and with better defined
outlines, than appear (more particularly to unpractised
eyes) upon the originals. It may be thought useless to

Num,? Chrort VoL XV HI p.

ANCJENT BRITISH COINS.

ANCIENT BRITISH COINS. 45

engrave from an imperfectly preserved coin, but when the
type is new, and the coin apparently unique, it is far better
that a representation of it should at once be put on record,
than that it should run the risk of being again buried in
oblivion ; especially, as should the coin not prove to be
unique, the attention of possessors of similar specimens
will be directed to them, and by this means any uncer-
tainties as to type, or legend, may probably be removed.
At all events, the representation of an imperfect coin, if
faithfully given, and the doubtful points still left doubtful,
can do no harm ; it is from the authoritative assertion of
dubious points as being incontestibly certain, that mischief
arises. Having premised thus much, I will return to the
description of the coins engraved in the plate, the originals
of which are in most cases in my own cabinet.

No. 1 is of gold, in my own collection, weighing 82 grains,
and was formerly in the cabinet of the late C. W.Loscombe,
Esq. On the obverse is the wreath, and portions of the
hair and drapery of the rude and expansive bust, into
which the marvellously beautiful head of Apollo on the
Macedonian Philippi degenerated in the hands of the bar-
barian Gauls and Britons. On the reverse is the equally
degenerate representative of the biga, in the shape of an
ill-formed horse to the right, with a triple tail ; beneath, a
wheel, and above a singular flower-like ornament, a ring
ornament, etc.; in the front of the horse is the legend,
MMIOS. The type and fabric of this piece very nearly
resemble those of some of the uninscribed varieties of
British coins, while of the inscribed it most closely ap-
proximates to that with the name of TIN upon it, engraved
in the Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. VII. p. 16, of the pro-
ceedings, a specimen of which was discovered at Alfriston,
Sussex. From this analogy, and from the difficulty of

46 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

completing the legend of my coin in any other manner,
I am, I think, justified in assuming that the letters CO
preceded that part of the legend which appears upon it,
and that in its complete state it was COMMIOS. There is
one other possible hypothesis, viz., that the inscription was
originally TINCOMMIOS, which I have on a former
occasion1 shown to have been, in all probability, the name
of the prince, which is usually found abbreviated on his
coins as TIN or TINC. From the position of the legend
with regard to the horse, the probabilities are, however, in
favour of its having been merely COMMIOS, and if such
was the case, there can be no doubt of the coin being one
of that Commius whose name appears on the coins of
Eppillus, Verica and Tincomius, all of whom claim the
title of COMMI F — the son of Commius. Whether this
Commius of the British coins, and Commius the Attre-
batian, who plays such a distinguished part in Caesar's
narrative of the Gallic war, were one and the same person,
is another and a more difficult question. It is, however,
by no means improbable that they were, and to use the
words of Camden and Philemon Holland, "both I and
some others are pleased with this conceit, that it is a coin
of Commius Attrebatensis, whom Csesar mentioneth," for
he is spoken of as a great authority among the Britons,
and on more than one occasion appears as a mediator
between Csesar and the British chiefs; while the Attrebates
over whom he was appointed ruler by Caesar had also a
settlement in Britain; so that, possibly, like that of
Divitiacus, his empire was not confined to the Continent,
but also extended to a portion of this country. It appears
from Frontinus, that on one occasion, at least, Commius

1 Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. XVI. p. 80.

ANCIENT BRITISH COINS. 47

sought a refuge in Britain after the breaking out of hostili-
ties between the Romans and himself, but nothing con-
clusive can be gathered from the account of this circum-
stance. The identification, therefore, of the Commius of
the British coins with Commius the Attrebatian, must
remain conjectural, as but little can be done to remove the
by no means inconsiderable difficulties with which it is
attended. If not the same persons, however, they must
have been contemporaries, or nearly so. The coin now
under consideration, as well as the earliest of Tincommius,
having been struck at the period when the hitherto
anepigraphous British coins began to have inscriptions
placed upon them, a practice which commenced soon after
the Britons had been brought into contact with the Roman
civilizers of the world by the invasion of Caesar. I am
not aware of the existence of any other specimen of this
type, but as from its extreme similarity to some of the
anepigraphous coins, a more imperfectly preserved example
might easily be classed with them, it is possible that now
attention is called to them, other specimens may be
brought forward which will enable us to complete the
legend with certainty.

The next coin, No. 2 in the Plate, is one of the sons of
Commius, whose name, as I have already stated, will pro-
bably prove to have been Tincommius. It is of gold,
weighing 17| grains, and was formerly in the cabinet of
Mr. Cuff, though now in my own collection. I think it is
probable that it formed part of the Bognor find, but of
this I am by no means certain. The collection at the
British Museum comprises a similar specimen.

Obv.— COMF on a sunk tablet.

Rev. — TIN, a bridled horse prancing to the right.

48 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

There is a general resemblance between the type and that
of the larger coins of Tincommius (of which this piece was
coined as the fourth part) though the horse on them is
usually provided with a rider. The correspondence is much
more complete with the small coins with the legends COMF
and VI or VIR. While on the subject of the small gold coins
of Tincommius, I may mention, that the small coin engraved
in the Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. VII., Plate iv., No. 9,
and Smith's Collectanea Antiqua, vol. i., PI. vii., No. 13,
and described at p. 38 of the Proceedings of the Numis-
matic Society for 18-11, is now in my possession. The
letters on the tablet on the obverse, which have been
regarded as illegible, I have been able to decipher, and can
pronounce them with certainty to be TINC. The coin
may be thus described —

Obv.— TINC on a tablet, between C above and F below.

Rev. — A full-faced winged-head of Medusa, occupying nearly
the whole of the field.

It forms, therefore, another variety of the small coins of
Tincommius, of which three types are now known, all of
which, I may add, have been discovered and published by
myself.

No. 3 presents us with a new type of the coins of
Tasciovanus. On the obverse is a diademed beardless
head to the right, unaccompanied by any inscription. On
the reverse, a hippocampus, or sea-horse to the left ; above
a trefoil and ring ornament, and below the legend TAS.
This coin is of brass, weighing 37J grains, and in my own
cabinet, but I am not aware of the locality where it was
found. The type is so closely allied to Nos. 5 and 6 in
the Plate, that I shall defer any remark upon it until we
arrive at those numbers. No. 4 is also of Tasciovanus, but

ANCIENT BRITISH COINS. 49

has already been published, a similar coin though not
so well spread or preserved, being engraved in E/uding App.,
PI. xxix., No. 70, and thus described in the explanation of
the Plates.

Obv. — Profile to the left, hair and beard flowing.

Rev. — TASC over the back of a horse. Above and below a
rose of dots.

This description must now be corrected in several par-
ticulars ; on the obverse, instead of a single profile, there
are two heads side by side (capita jugata or tetes accolees),
the hair and beard crisped, and apparently an inscription in
front, of which the last letter may be an R, and the whole
possibly VER. The reverse shows a third dotted rose in
front of the animal, which I consider to be a ram or sheep
rather than a horse. It is the only instance of this animal
occurring on a British coin, and it is nearly equally rare
on Gaulish coins. The deux tetes accolees occur on an un-
certain coin of Gallia Narbonensis, with the inscription
IIPOMIIAOS, but in this case they are young and beard-
less. Altogether I am at a loss to know from whence these
types are derived, and consider the coin as one of the most
remarkable of the ancient British series. It was, I
believe, found in Bedfordshire, and is in singularly fine
condition, entirely uninjured by time. The metal is brass,
and the weight 31 1 grains.

Nos. 5 and 6, varying only slightly in the legend, may
be described together. The obverse is apparently without
inscription, and exhibits a rudely formed bearded head to
the right. On the reverse, is a Hippocampus to the left,
above, a trefoil and ring ornament, and beneath, the
legend VIR or VER on No. 5, and VIIR on No. 6. There
is some indistinctness about the legend on both these coins,

VOL. XVIII. H

50 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

but Mr. Huxtable possesses a similar specimen to No. 5,
on which, also, the legend appears to be VIR or VER.
There can, then, be no doubt of these coins having been
struck at the ancient city of Verulamium especially when
the great similarity between them and the coin of Tascio-
vanus, No. 3, whose chief place of mintage we know to
have been Verulamium, is taken into account. The form
VIIR, need not excite surprise, the double I being so fre-
quently substituted for E, not only on British and Gaulish
coins, but even in Roman inscriptions, and occasionally on
Roman coins, as for instance,1 that of Marc Antony with
the legend COS-DIISIG-ITIIR-IIT-TIIRT-IIIVIR-R-P-C on
the reverse. Whether among the Gauls and Britons this
use of the double I for E may have originated from their
having derived their knowledge of letters from a Greek
source, in which alphabet the H so closely resembles the
double II is a matter of speculation. There is some doubt
as to the correct reading of the passage in Caesar, where
he mentions the Gauls as using Greek letters ; but it is
certain, from their coins, that they did so, and we find
the Q passing through the form of the barred D into that
of the ordinary Roman D on British coins.

That the horse so frequent on the British series should,
in these instances, assume its marine form of Hippocampus,
is certainly a cause for surprise, unless, possibly, suggestive
of the insular position of the Britons. The winged Hip-
pocampus occasionally makes its appearance on Greek coins
of maritime states, and especially on the common copper
coins of Syracuse ; and a quadriga of wingless hippocampi
appears on some of the large brass coins of the Pnefects of
Marc Antony, The Hippocampus would also seem to be

8 See Eckhcl, Doct. Num. Vit., vol. vi. p. 46.

ANCIENT BRITISH COINS. 59

found in one or two instances in the Spanish and Gaulish
series, though this point is not perfectly clear. The
nearest approach to it, on a British coin, is the animal on
the small silver coin engraved in the Numismatic
Chronicle, Vol. XVI. p. 80, No. 12, which may be either a
Capricorn or a Hippocampus. The ring ornament, in con-
junction with the trefoil, appears on another coin of
Verulam, Ruding, plate v. 5, in the same relative position
to a horse as they bear on these coins No. 3, 5, and 6, to
a Hippocampus, and on No. 7 to a Pegasus — a circum-
stance which fully coroborates their attribution to Verulam.
The weight of No. 5 is 32 grains, and of No. 6, 35
grains.

Nearly allied to these coins is that given as No. 7, in
the plate which was formerly in the collection of James
Brown, Esq., F.S.A., of St. Albans, and was in all proba-
bility found upon or near the site of ancient Verulam.
On the obverse is a rude head, slightly differing in cha-
racter from those last described, and having somewhat the
appearance of being laureated : if bearded at all, it is not to
the same extent as the heads on Nos. 3, 5, and 6. On the
reverse is a Pegasus to the right, above, a ring ornament
and trefoil, and beneath, some letters/apparently VER.
The Pegasus occurs on coins of Tasciovanus in all the
metals, so that we might well expect it to appear on one
of the coins of Verulamium ; many, if not all, of which,
were struck at the time when that town was under his
dominion, and, so to speak, the capital of his kingdom.
Nos. 8 and 9 are also coins of this city, of an entirely new
type and module. They are both in copper, weighing 14
and 10 grains respectively, so that they would appear to
have been coined as representatives of one-half of the
value of the larger and better known copper coins of Veru-

52 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

lam. The type, too, of the obverse seems to bear reference
to this fact, being a single square with the sides curved
inwards, including within it another square with an annu-
let in the centre, instead of the starlike ornament formed
by the interlacing of two similar curved -sided squares
which we find on the larger coins, both with and without
the inscription VERLAMIO around it. It bears a resem-
blance to the device on the reverse of some of the Gaulish
barbarous imitations of the coins of Rhoda, in Hispania
Tarraconensis, and also to some of the coins of Dyrrhachium.
The type of the reverse is a bird, probably an eagle, stand-
ing with its wings partly expanded, and holding in its beak
a snake or branch ; around runs a legend, of which the few
letters that appear on the coins are unfortunately indis-
tinct ; but on No. 8, the letters RVL may be deciphered
without difficulty, being, probably, a part of the word
VERVLAMIO, a legend, which from the type of the
obverse, we might naturally expect to find upon them.
The eagle appears on several coins of the British series,
but that most nearly connected with the present coins is
the small copper piece of Eppillus, engraved in Akerman's
Coins of Cities and Princes, plate xxi. Nos. 5 and 6, the
types of which, on either side, have a considerable resem-
blance to the coins of Verulam, which3 I have already
pointed out. The last coin, No. 10, in the plate is of
Cunobeline in silver, and now forms part of the British
Museum collection, for which it was purchased at the sale
of the coins of the late Lord Chief Justice Doherty. On
the obverse is a partially draped figure walking to the
right, in his right-hand a short wand, and his left-hand
holding what is apparently some animal that he is carrying

3 Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. XVI. p. 88.

ANCIENT BRITISH COINS. 53

on his shoulder ; around runs the legend CVNOBELINVS.
The figure is probably that of Hercules carrying the
Nemsean lion or Erymanthean boar in triumph upon his
shoulders. The reverse gives a standing figure, also par-
tially draped, holding in his left-hand a bow ; near his right-
hand what seems to be the head of a somewhat diminutive
stag, or possibly a dog looking upwards. The legend is
TASCIIO . . . and the weight of the coin 17 grains. Whe-
ther the type of the reverse is intended for Apollo or for
Hercules and the stag with the brazen feet (as has been
suggested), I will not attempt to determine, the state of
preservation of the coin not being sufficiently good on
either side to make the minuter parts of the device to be
accurately distinguished. If, however, such be the case, it
is a most remarkable fact, that we should find two of the
labours of Hercules, and those by no means the most
favourite among them, as subjects for the sculptor or poets
of antiquity, portrayed upon a British coin. The type of
Hercules standing with his club occurs on two varieties of
silver coins of Cunobeline already well-known; but the
representation of Hercules engaged in any of his far-famed
labours, implies an amount of classical knowledge not to
have been expected on a British coin, unless (as was fre-
quently the case with those of Cunobeline) it was the
production of foreign artists.

JOHN EVANS.

MISCELLANEA.

PARTICULARS OP THE DISCOVERY OF VALUABLE GOLD ORNAMENTS

AND MANY ROMAN CoiNS, AT LEUGERICH, IN THE

KINGDOM OF HANOVER.

As the rarity of finding Roman coins in Northern Germany, even
of the period of the incursion of Drusus, or the defeat of Varus, is
not only consistent with the slight hold the conquerors of the rest
of the then known world ever had on it, and is borne out by
the results of many centuries, the discovery of a number is in itself
matter of great curiosity and interest, and in the present instance
the more so, from the peculiarity under which they have been
originally concealed, at two different and very distant periods, in
close proximity but perfectly independent of each other : the facts,
therefore, abridged from the German account of Mr. Fred. Hahn,
of Hanover, may be deemed worthy the attention of the Numis-
matic Society.

In the spring of 1847, a farmer of the parish of Leugcrich,
Amt Zieren, betwixt Osnabruck and Lingen, not far from the
Ems, found on the rise of a fir-plantation which bears the significant
name of Wallage (Wall-place), beneath a large stone which he
wanted for a building on his farm, a great quantity of Roman
silver coins covered by a small bronze patera, upon which he was
induced to remove two other large stones, further eastward, which
resulted in the agreeable discovery beneath the second stone of a
valuable deposit of gold ornaments with about 10 or 12 Roman
golden coins, covered carefully up in an enclosure of small stones,
and under the third stone again a number of silver coins, of a
coinage about one hundred and fifty years later in date than any
of the first quantity of silver found. It was this latter circum-
stance which principally enhanced the interest of the discovery ;
for an examination of them shewed that the first quantity found
ranged in date from Trajan (96 — 117) to Septimus Severus
(193 — 196), and in the accompanying report is a detailed list,
with the reverses (pp. 10 — 22), numbering in all 406 varieties,
but beyond the last mentioned emperor none were found.

On the other hand, the gold coins under the second stone were
of the date of Constantino the Great and his sons, as late as A.D.
361, and the golden ornaments found with them seem of the same

MISCELLANEA. 5 5

aera. The silver coins under the third stone had all been struck
by the usurper Magnentius, so that there was an interval of about
150 years from the date of the coins found under the first stone to
that of those found under the second and third.

The gold ornaments consisted of: —

1. — A gold fibula in the form of a cross, of which a drawing,
the size of the original, is contained in the lithographic
print accompanying the work. Plate i., fig. 1.

2. — A golden finger-ring -with a beautiful rosette in filigree.

3. — Another ring, not quite so elaborate.

4. — A golden gimmet ring.

5. — Four studs or buttons, with their heads also neatly worked
in filigree, and pierced with a hole to fasten them to a
garment : all these articles, from the beauty of the de-
sign and workmanship, may be supposed above the
reach of German artists of the period, therefore probably
of Roman work. Of less perfect workmanship were —

6 — A spiral ring, and

7. — Two armillse with sexagonal endings.

The ten gold coins found with these articles are not more par-
ticularly described than as the coinage of Constantine the Great
and his sons, but so sharp and fresh, that they seem never to have
been in circulation.

This last circumstance seems also to have been the case with
the silver coins of Magnentius, found under the third stone ; as
it is particularly noticed, that they seem as new as if just from
the die. They were seventy in number, with some denarii of
Maxentius, as also a silver medallion of Constantius. The silver
in the latter is so far remarkable, that it has become chloride of
silver (Chlor-Silber), so that on one side it is so fragile as to
crumble betwixt the fingers, whilst on the others the silver pre-
serves its consistency. The silver patera covering is still more
brittle and broken.

Dr. Hahn presumes, from these facts, that the place of the de-
posit was originally a sanctuary of the ancient Saxons, as the
popular tradition always pointed it out as the depositary of great
treasure (and he might have also alluded to the name of Wallage),
and that these treasures had been committed there to the sacred
earth in troublesome times, and afterwards forgotten; and from
the contents under the second and third stones being so valuable,
he further infers that the person who secreted them had been a
Saxon Hertog of considerable consequence, and possibly, one of
the Saxons mentioned by Zosimus, as having led an auxiliary force
to assist Magnentius in the sanguinary and decisive battle of
Mursu, now Essek, on the Drave, where he states 54,000 com-

56 MISCELLANEA.

batants to have fallen. The entire weight of the golden ornaments
here produced ia stated at 14| Loth and 12 As., about Trounces;
but with them was found a grand golden necklace, with pendulous
drops of the same metal, sold to a goldsmith, and which Dr. Hahn
laments as the most valuable article, not only intrinsically, but
because gold or silver ornaments are much more rarely found in
Germany than either in France, Britain, or Scandinavia.

From the small and feminine size of the rings and armillse,
Dr. Hahn concludes that these ornaments belonged to the wife or
daughters of the chieftain who joined the usurper, according to
the German practice, with his whole family, in the South, in-
tending, after victory, to return and reclaim his family treasure
and the new coinage, which we may suppose to have been the
shining first instalment of imperial pay and foretaste of future
reward on a successful issue ; but the neglect to reclaim it, tells
the sorrowful tale of the destruction of the entire family, not
leaving one member to return and disinter it from the holy soil
to which it had been committed.

WILLIAM BELL.

CHARLES ROACH SMITH, Esq.,

Numismatic Society, London.

IV.

ON A VERY RARE SILVER COIN (DENARO D'AR-
GENTO) OF BERENGARIUS II., KING OF ITALY,
WITH HIS SON ALBERTUS (ADALBERTUS) AS CO-
REGENT, A.D. 950—962.

[Read before the Numismatic Society, April 26, 1855.]

THE obverse is inscribed HKBERENGARIV, and in the field,
his dignity, REX. On the reverse, we read in the centre,
PA — PIA in two lines, which is the name of the city of
Pavia, where the coin was struck ; and around, HhALBER-
TVS . R*t" [Rex.], which is the name of his son, whom he
had created co-regent.

The way in which the letters are arranged in the le-
gends, corresponds with that of several coins in my series
of kings of Italy, particularly those of the predecessors of
Berengarius II., namely, Hugo and Lotharius, on whose
coins we, in like manner, find the names of father and
son together. About thirteen years ago, Signer Giulio di
S. Quintino, a numismatist distinguished for his researches
on early Italian mediseval coins, published a coin nearly
similar of Berengarius II and Albert, in the " Memorie

VOL. XVIII. I

NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

della R. Accademia delle Scienze di Turino," vol. v.,
serie ii. He considered it unique, and only to be found in
that celebrated deposit of precious objects, the Library of
the Vatican.1 Some years ago, when passing through
Rome, the late and much lamented Monsignor Molza
very kindly showed me the coin, even at a time when the
library was closed to the public.

When at Turin, in 1847, I also obtained the gracious
favour of being permitted to inspect the private collec-
tion of Italian mediaeval coins formed by his late Majesty
Charles Albert at the Royal Palace.2 To my surprise, I
discovered two of these coins of Berengarius II. After a
careful inspection, which convinced me that the two coins
were from the same die (though somewhat differing from
the coin in the Vatican), I ventured to propose an ex-
change for one of them, having fortunately with me
several Italian coins not in the royal cabinet. My wish
was granted, and I left the palace with this rare numis-
matic as well as historical document.

The life and exploits of Berengarius II. belong to an
unhappy and calamitous portion of Italian mediaeval his-
tory, and form part of a period of seventy years of faction,
discord, treason, anarchy, and civil war, under ten native
and as many foreign kings, from A.D. 888 to A.D. 961,
when, by an imperial fundamental law of Otho I. of
Saxony, the Italian crown was united with the German.

Towards the end of the ninth century, there were two
sovereigns in Italy preeminent for their extended territo-
rial possessions, as well as for their riches and personal

1 The coin in the Vatican has *%> BERENGARIVS.

8 Through the kindness of Chevalier Promis, librarian to the
king, and the learned author of that distinguished numismatic
work " Monete dei Reali di Savoja." Torino. 1841. 4to.

~. COIN OF BERENGAKIUS II. 59

power. They were both pretenders to the crown of Italy
by their Carlovingian mothers. One was Berengarius I.,
duke of Friuli (guardian of the northern Alpine passes
towards Germany), who, with the approval of Pope Ste-
phanus V., was crowned at Pavia, in A.D. 888, as king of
Italy. The other was Guido, duke of Spoleto and lord of
the Marquisate of Fermo and Camerino. This coronation
of Berengarius I. obliged Guido to fly to Germany to King
Arnulf, but in 889, Guido having returned, two great
battles were fought between them without any decisive
result, one in the plain of Piacenza, the other near
Brescia.

Towards the end of the year 894 Guido died, and Lam-
bert, his son, began to press his demands against Beren-
garius I. In the meantime, Pope Formosus persuaded
Arnulf, king of the Germans, to enter Italy, which Arnulf
accomplished in September, 895. However, while before
Spoleto he was taken ill, and returned to Germany,
where he died, towards the end of A.D. 899.

In 896, Lambert and Berengarius I. had already made
the river Adda a boundary of their kingdom ; but Lambert
having lost his life by a fall from his horse at a hunting
party in October, A.D. 898, the Spoletonian faction called
Louis, king of Provence, into Italy. He crossed the
Alps in the spring of 899,3 and at first gained some advan-
tage, but was soon obliged to retreat before Berengarius I.,
who, however, in consequence of having lost a battle on
the Brenta against the Hungarians, sunk considerably in
public esteem. At about the same time, having fallen out
with Adalbert II., marquis of Tuscany, he was unable to
prevent Louis from entering Italy again in A.D. 900, and

3 Papon. Histoire de Provence. II. p. 147.

60 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

advancing towards Rome, in which city Louis received
the imperial coronation by Pope Benedict IV., in February,
901. He then forced Berengarius I. to take temporary
refuge in Bavaria, but in A.D. 902, Berengarius surprised
Louis at Verona, had him blinded, and sent back to
Provence. Louis was at the age of twenty-four when he
was deprived of sight. He resided afterwards at Vienne,
and installed Hugo as Regent of Provence. In A.D. 904,
Louis married Edgiva, daughter of Edward the Elder,
king of England, by whom he had a son, named Charles
Constantino, who succeeded him in the Duchy of Vienne,
under the Burgundian king, Rudolph II.

A complication of events in Italy had now risen to the
highest point by the opposition of the nobles, the plunder-
ing expeditions of the Hungarians, the strongly fixed
position which the Saracens had taken on the mountain
of Gargano, on the river Garigliano, and at Trainet, near
Monaco. Pope John X. endeavoured to effect an alliance
with several Italian princes against the Saracens, who
were expelled, A.D. 91 5, from their fortresses on the Garig-
liano, by a son of the Roman consul Albericus, who, how-
ever, after this victory became so haughty and self-exalted
that he was banished from Rome. Albericus afterwards
fortified himself, with some of his followers, in the town
of Orta in Etruria, and took the title of Marquis, and, in
order to defy the Romans, he invited the roaming Hunga-
rians into the Roman territory, who caused great destruc-
tion ; but after their retreat the Romans took Orta, and
put Albericus to death, A.D. 925.

This is one of the flagrant examples, which show how
things were going on at that time in Italy.

But let us return to the period of the royal personage to
whom our coin refers. Berengarius II. was the eldest son

COIN OF BEHENGARIUS II. 61

of Adalbert I., Longaspada (e corta fede — ), Marquis of
Ivrea, by his first wife, Gisla (Gisilla), only daughter of
Berengarius I., king of Italy. It thus appears, that she
wished to transmit the name of her illustrious father to
her first-born son.

The mother of Berengarius I. also bore the name of
Gisla, and was a daughter of the Emperor Louis I., son of
Charlemagne. On that account, Berengarius II. laid claim
to a Carlovingian descent, and to the Regno d'ltalia.
About A.D. 925, he succeeded his father in the Marquisate
of Ivrea, which embraced at that period the greatest part
of Piedmont.

As long as the mother of Berengarius II. was alive,
Adalbert I. of Ivrea and Berengarius I. were good friends;
but after her death, Adalbert having married Ermengard
(la Bella), a daughter of the late Marquis Adalbert II. of
Tuscany, this friendship was soon turned into hatred.
This occurred through the influence of Bertha,4 the
mother of Ermengard, who, in fact, ruled in Tuscany,
and being a personal enemy of Berengarius I., exercised
such an influence over her son-in-law, that he became one
of the principal chiefs of the Spoletonian faction,5 which
deprived Berengarius I. of his kingdom and of his life.

Besides, Adalbert of Ivrea was also envious of his father-
in-law for having assumed the imperial title (Berenga-
rius I. was crowned as Emperor6 by Pope John X., in
March, A.D. 916), and so towards the end of the year
A.D. 921, the Spoletonian party invited to Italy Rudolph II.,
King of Upper Burgundy (Transjurana), for their protec-

4 She died at Lucca, 8th of March, A. D. 925.

5 Luitpr. lib. xii. cap. 6.

6 In my series of imperial coins is one of him which bears that
title.

62 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

tion. Rudolph II. received the crown of Lombardy in
February, A.D. 922, from the Archbishop Lambert of
Milan, who was a fierce enemy of Berengarius I. The
latter, however, kept off the first attack of his enemies
with Hungarian mercenaries, in a decided battle between
Piacenza and Borgo San Donnino, on the 29th of June,
A.D. 923, but soon afterwards, in the beginning of March,
A.D. 924, Berengarius I. was assassinated in the cloister of
a church near his palace at Verona, by his confidant
Flambert, bribed for that purpose.7 In the same month
(March 12th), the Hungarians had set Pavia on fire.8

It appears that soon after the assassination of Beren-
garius I., Adalbert I., Marquis of Ivrea, had died, and
Ermengard, his second wife, on account of the minority of
her stepson, Berengarius II., equipped an army, and en-
tered the city of Pavia by force9 (A.D. 925), accompanied
by her son Anscar, and her stepson Berengarius II., in
order to deprive Rudolph II. (king of Upper Burgundy),
of the kingdom of Italy, and to maintain the right of
Bereugarius II. to the throne as a nephew of Berenga-
rius I.

Rudolph II. at that time resided at Verona, on account
of its convenience of situation, and also as being a strongly
fortified city. Ermengard had collected together as much
as she could in money, men, and arms. A contemporary
historian, however, hints, that she obtained more by the
arms of Venus than by those of Mars.10 But it may

7 Giulini. Memorie di Milano, vol. ii. p. 163.

8 In July, the Saracens had surprised Oria in Calabria, and
conquered the fortress of Santagata.

9 Sigonio, lib. vi. sub ann. 925.

10 Luitprand, lib. iii. cap. 2 : "II quale per altro era una mala
lingua," observes Zanetti, vol. iv. p. 308.

tOIN OF BERENGARIUS II. 63

easily be supposed, that a woman like Ermengard, pos-
sessed of so much influence and power in the north of
Italy, and also still distinguished by great personal beauty
and the highest accomplishments that the period could
give, should have had enemies, and of course scandal was
not idle. Therefore, to the historians of her time, Ermen-
gard might have said, in the way of Sir Peter Teazle,
"Gentlemen, with you I leave my character behind."
By mild behaviour, soft caressings, and many cunning
ways, Ermengard managed the government, and won both
hearts and minds. In the meantime, Rudolph II., infu-
riated that a woman should occupy the royal residence at
Pavia, resolved to lay siege to that city with all his force
of Burgundians and Italian allies. Ermengard, despairing
of external aid, and already in want of provisions, had
recourse to her usual craftiness. She wrote a letter to
Rudolph, wherein she well-meaningly informed him, that
he had been betrayed by his own people, that his life only
depended upon her, and had already been sold. " Si te
perdere vellem/' says she in her letter, "jam longo tern-
pore extinctus esses : tui quippe omnes te deserere, meque
ardenter adire contendunt," etc.,11 and further, she ob-
serves, that chains were prepared for him if he did not
take refuge in her arms, where he might find the proof of
being more beloved by her than threatened.

It appears that Rudolph II. had not the firmness of the
wise Ulysses ; on the contrary, the signature of the letter
it seems must have kindled a flame in his heart which
drew him towards the siren. He forgot his wife12 and

11 Luitpr. lib, iii. cap. 3.

12 It appears that Rudolph II was already married in 922, to
Bertha, daughter of Burcard I. Duke of Suabia.

6*4 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE'.

friends, the Archbishop of Milan, and his army. Secretly
(and favoured by darkness) he passed the river, and found
himself soon in the arms of Ermengard as a voluntary
prisoner.

" Sire, si vous laissez, comme Charles desire,
Comme Diane fait, par trop vous gouverner,
Fondre, pe"trir, mollir, refondre et retourner,
Sire, vous n'etes plus, vous n'etes plus que cire."13

Daylight discovered the fraud to the army, which, by a
slip of parchment, became disbanded. Many of the
captains sheltered themselves for personal security behind
the walls of Milan. The cunning Donna then, in order
to dominate both the realm and the king, became his
concubine, under the name of wife, to make him father
of her sons. And so Rudolph commanded the people,
and Ermengard commanded Rudolph.

However, the Archbishop of Milan, possessing great
influence, as well as other Lombard princes, over the
crown, urged by zeal, or by jealousy, would not endure a
conduct so disgraceful to the Italian Maesta.

Hugo of Provence (a wild offspring of the Carlovingian
race) was invited to come to Italy to drive this effeminate
tyrant and his scandalous step-sister14 from the royal

13 Les deux Dianes.

14 Hugo was uterine brother of Ermengard, his father being
Thibaud, c >unt of Aries, and his mother, Bertha, a descendant
from the Carlovingian line — being a daughter of the younger
Lothaire, king of Lorraine, and grandson of Charlemagne.
Bertha became, by a second marriage (circa A.D. 917), the wife of
Adalbert II. (the rich) Marquis of Tuscany, whose grave may still
be seen near the door of the cathedral at Lucca.

It may be observed, that the House of Este, and that of
Brunswick-Luneburg, now occupying the throne of Great Britain,
is derived from this Adalbert II. Marquis of Tuscany.

COIN OP BERENGARIUS II. 65

residence of Pavia, and to occupy the throne. Rudolph II.,
who had already received reproaches from his Burgundians,
who considered their country as having been neglected by
so long an absence, left Italy. It appears, however, that
the troops of Hugo were driven back over the Alps, for a
time, by Berengarius II., who, with the spirit of a ruler,
could not long submit to the guardianship of Ermengard,
and soon obtained a formidable authority.

It may be observed that Hugo, Count of Provence, had
also assumed the title of King of Aries, intending by
means of this title to further his designs against Italy.
The Arelate comprised at that time the territories of
Chalons, Macon, the country of Vienne (Dauphine),
part of Languedoc, and Provence, with the capital,
Aries. By invitation of the Friulian party, joined by
many other Italian potentates, and also by the Pope,
Hugo equipped a fleet, and sailed from Provence to Pisa,
in the summer of A.D. 926, where he was received by the
Archbishop of Milan, the nuncio of Pope John X., and
many ambassadors, who persuaded him to become king of
Italy. In consequence of this, Hugo went to Pavia,
where at an assembly on the 17th of July, A.D. 926, he
was acknowledged as lawful king of Italy, and was
crowned at Milan by the Archbishop Lambert. It may
be further observed, that the election of the kings of
Italy, at the diet composed of Lombard Princes and
Bishops, was not conceived to convey any pretensions
to the sovereignty of Rome. The royal crown of Lom-
bardy was in the hands of the Archbishop of Milan, who
at that time (by consent of the barons) had somewhat of
the same power to bestow the crown of Lombardy, that
the Pope had to bestow the imperial crown.

Hugo forthwith concluded a treaty with Henry I.,

VOL. XVII I. K

66 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

king of the Germans (919 — 936), and with the Byzantine
Emperor, Romanus I. In A.D. 933, he made peace with
Rudolph II., king of Upper Burgundy, who had menaced
Italy again with an invasion, and upon a renunciation of
his claim to Italy, Hugo ceded Provence to Rudolph, with
the exception of Aries. In A.D. 935, Hugo endeavoured
to restore in Pavia much of what had been destroyed by
the Hungarians in A. D. 924 : and it appears also that he
rebuilt there the royal palace.15 Hugo governed alone
from A. D. 92 6 to 931 ; but in that year, on the 14th of
April, he created Lotharius, son of his first wife, Alda,16
co-regent, and towards the latter end of the year 938,
married Bertha,17 the daughter of Burkard, Duke of
Allemania (Suabia), widow of Rudolph II.;18 his son
Lotharius he caused to be betrothed to Adelaide, the
daughter of Bertha. The marriage, however, did not
take place till A.D. 947.

Adalbert, Marquis of Ivrea, had also a son by his second
wife, Ermengard, named Anscar. Both brothers were
held in great consideration in Lombardy, being rich and
powerful ; so much so, that Hugo of Provence, king of
Italy, with a view to attach these mighty vassals to his
party, married in A.D. 934, to Berengarius II., Willa, the
daughter of his brother Boso, marquis of Tuscany. In
fact, Hugo was, as already mentioned, kinsman to Beren-
garius II., being the son of Bertha (daughter of the younger
Lothaire, king of Lorraine), who by a second marriage

15 Giulini, Memorie di Milano, vol. ii. p. 187.

16 Aldae amatissimae et carissimae conjugis nostrae. Dipl.
ab AN. 929, id. p. 178.

17 Bertha founded a Benedictine abbey at Payerne [Paterni-
acum]. in the Canton de Vaud, where she also died.

18 Rudolph II. died in A.D. 937.

COIN OF BERENGARIUS II. 67

became the wife of Adalbert II., marquis of Tuscany :
hence Ermengard, the step-mother of Berengarius II., was
step-sister of Hugo. The other brother, Anscar, was
created marquis of Camerino and Spoleto in A. D. 934, by
Hugo. However, both of them having been suspected
(and according to Hugo's opinion convicted) of conspiracy,
Hugo had Anscar imprisoned, and shortly afterwards, in
A. D. 939, executed. He endeavoured also to decoy Beren-
garius II. to his court, for the purpose of having him
blinded, but Prince Lotharius, the son of Hugo, informed
Berengarius II. of his father's intention.

Upon which Berengarius II. fled to Germany, whither
his wife Willa also followed him; though near her confine-
ment, she had the courage to traverse the Alps, and even
sometimes on foot. Thus the journey became as painful
as the track was dangerous.

" Langathmig Kommt der Sturm gebraus't,
Verweht im Flug die Gleise,
Den Ziigel halt in frommer Faust,
Der Knecht und spaht im Kreise,
Am Fels vorbei mit rascher Flucht —
Da glatzt ihm an die wilde Schlucht —

Bekiimmert mahnt er ; Herrin mem,
Wie kraus die Flocken stieben !
Die Lichter Gottes, grosz und klein,
Bind heut daheim geblieben ;
Zu gerne lauft in Nacht und Grans
Die Wolfin mit den Jungen aus."

Berengarius II. obtained protection and help from
Otho I. (the great) king of the Germans, at whose court
he remained several years.

Hugo had sent a considerable embassy to Otho, with
authority to offer him a large sum, to give up Beren-
garius II. ; this, however, Otho refused, and advised a
reconciliation. Upon which Hugo, with the Saracens

68 NUMISMATIC CHRONICEE.

whom he had in his pay, occupied all the passes of the
Alps, to prevent Berengarius II. returning again to Lom-
bardy. While Berengarius II. was in Germany, information
was constantly forwarded to him about the affairs of
Italy : among his intimate friends there was one named
Amadeus, who disguised himself under different characters,
sometimes as a pilgrim, at other times even as a beggar,
and so in that manner introduced himself into the royal
residence of Hugo, observing what passed, and what was
said of Berengarius II. This Amadeus endeavoured also
by various means to alienate the minds of the nobles as
well as of the people from Hugo. And as Berengarius II.
in A. D. 945, appeared with a small army of German
mercenaries in Italy, the towns of Lombardy opened
their gates, and hailed him as their deliverer. He soon
gained many partisans, and by that means obtained the
deprivation of both kings, of their power but not of their
titles.

Hugo, abandoned and hated by all Italy,19 abdicated in
favour of his son Lotharius, A.D. 946, and returned to
Aries, carrying with him the treasures he had amassed.
He, however, soon afterwards died, 24th of April, A.D. 947,
at Vienne, at the Convent of Saint Peter, which he had
founded in A. D. 926.

Lotharius was recognised king by the Italian Princes ;
on account, however, of his youth, Berengarius II. under-
took the government, leaving to the generous but feeble
Lotharius, the crown and title of king of Italy, kept the
power of sovereign authority in his own hands.

Soon after the resignation of Hugo, the Bavarian Duke

Muratori calls him " a little Tiberius."

COIN OF BERENGARIUS II. 69

Henry I. (948—955), brother of Otho I., king of the
Germans, took advantage of this state of affairs to invade
Italy, A.D. 948. He took Aquileja, made an inroad as far
as Pavia, and returned home with great booty and without
obstacle. In the following year (949) the Hungarian king
Taxis, also invaded Italy with a numerous horde, without
encountering any resistance. He would have occasioned
• great destruction had it not been that Berengarius II.
satisfied him with ten bushels of coined silver,20 which he
collected for that purpose from all his subjects by a heavy
poll-tax, without exception of age, condition or rank.
The rest of the money he kept for himself. Thus it was
under a sort of guardianship, Lotharius wore the crown
of Italy. This noble minded prince died at Turin on the
22nd of November, A. D. 950.

" Da nahm ihn Michael21 freundKch
In starkem Arme

Von leuchtendem Eisen umkleidet,
Und trug ihn gen Himmel
Zu Christus und Karl dem Grossen."

According to report Lotharius was poisoned by order of

20 " Hugo, Rex Italiae datis, decem numorum modiis, et aliis
decem modiis Berengarius persuasit Taxi, Hungariorum Duci, ut
Italia excederet." vid. Schonvisner, Notitia Hungaricae rei Nu-
mariae. Buclae, 1801. 4to. p. 86. It seems, from this quotation,
that the same sum had been previously paid by Hugo at another
irruption of the Hungarians, which appears to have happened in
A.D. 938, as we may infer from another fact mentioned by
Schonvisner \_loc. citJ].

21 The winged figure of St. Michael, the archangel, is repre-
sented on the sol d'or of Cunipert, Aripert, and Luitprand, kings
of Italy [655 — 739], as well as on the sol d'or of some of the
dukes of Beneventum, as patron of the Lombards. In Pavia [the
residence of the kings of Italy], the Basilica of that city built by
the early Lombard kings, was dedicated to St. Michael. The
Basilica still exists in tolerable preservation.

70 NUMISMATIC CHKONICLE.

Berengarius II.22 who was probably afraid lest his amiable
and gentle disposition should at last gain the affections of
the Italians, or lest his consort, Adelaide, (who was a
daughter of Rudolph II., king of Upper Burgundy, and of
Bertha, daughter of Burchard I., Duke of Suabia, a lady
of great beauty and accomplishments), should remind her
husband of his royal right.

It appears, also, that Willa, the wife of Berengarius II.,
a cruel and ambitious woman, had suggested this foul
deed, both from hopes of the royal crown, and from
jealousy of the handsome and pious Adelaide.

Scarcely was Lotharius dead, when Berengarius II. was
proclaimed king, and had himself and his wife, Willa,
crowned at the cathedral of St. Michael, at Pavia, on the
15th of December, A.D., 950, taking his son, Adalbert, as
co-regent. The truth of this historical fact is completely
confirmed by the coin. Berengarius II. now intrigued to
compel Adelaide, the widow of Lotharius, who had retired
from the court of Pavia, and resided at Como, to marry
his son Adalbert,23 and upon her refusal, had her arrested,
reconducted to Pavia, and imprisoned on the 29th of
April, A.D., 951, in a tower at the Castle of Garda, close
to the lake of that name. Here she was stripped of her
riches, and treated with all sort of cruelty and insult,
allowing her only one maid. At this time the unfortunate
widow was scarcely more than twenty years of age. After
a hard confinement of four months, the grossly ill-treated
queen found means to elude the vigilance of her keepers,
and escaped from her prison in the dead of night ; but

82 Giulini. Memorie di Milano. Vol. ii. p. 230.

23 Adalbert was afterwards married to Gerberga [955 — 980],
sister of Alberic, count of Macon, who had died in A.D. 955,
without issue.

COIN OF BERENGARIUS II. 71

having mistaken her way she fell into a large piece of
water, where she remained until the following night for
fear of being discovered, nearly exhausted by hunger and
cold.

At last, alone and unassisted she extricated herself, and
by the help of a priest, came to the Bishop of Reggio, who
caused her to be brought for safety to the Castle of
Canossa, where her relation, the Marquis Azzo I. d'Este
( Azzone) undertook the protection of the persecuted widow,
and valiantly defended his castle. By the advice of the
Marquis Azzo d'Este, Adelaide applied to Otho I., King
of the Germans, for help, offering him the assistance of
her adherents for the acquisition of Italy, and also, at the
same time, her hand. Otho being a widower (having
been married in A.D. 930 to Edila, one of the daughters of
King Edward the Elder of England, who died in A.D. 947),
immediately entered Italy with an army, without great
opposition, relieved Canossa, advanced to Pavia, and in
a short time made himself master of Lombardy ; where,
on the 5th of October, A.D. 951, he was acknowledged as
king. Having thus avenged the wrongs of Adelaide, and
delivered her from her persecutor, he married her on the
25th of December, A.D. 951, and took her to Pavia, where
her virtues and accomplishments not only gained the affec-
tion of her husband, but the admiration of every one ; as
she was well-known to be a kind and benevolent benefac-
tress to the poor and oppressed.24

Berengarius II. (having become a fugitive) resolved,

24 One of the brothers of Adelaide, of the name of Burchard;
became archbishop of Lyons, in A.D. 947. He had been before
bishop of Lausanne.

Adelaide died in A.D. 1000. She had two sons by Otho, one
succeeded his father as Otho II. the other, William, became arch-
bishop of Mentz.

72 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

after Otho's return to Germany, to submit to the powerful
king, particularly as he was induced to do so by Conrad
Duke of Lorraine, brother-in-law of Otho, whom he had
left in Italy with a German army. Berengarius II. went
to Germany, and at Merseburg threw himself at the feet
of the king (952) . Thus, by a speedy submission, and the
cession of the marquisate of Friuli (the key of Northern
Italy, which Otho gave to his brother, Henry I. Duke of
Bavaria), Berengarius II., in co-regency with his son
Adalbert, obtained of Otho I., at an imperial diet at Augs-
burg, in 952, the investiture of the kingdom of Italy.

Scarcely had Berengarius II. returned to Italy when he
threw off his vassalage ; and moving with an armed force
against the Marquis Azzo I. d'Estc, laid siege to Canossa
to punish him for the protection he had rendered to Queen
Adelaide.

Otho, oppressed by the affairs of Germany, and the
turbulent Hungarians, was unable to despatch troops to
Italy to succour the faithful Azzo, who defended himself
valiantly for three years in his strong castle, when at last
a German army arrived, commanded by Ludolf, the son of
Otho I.25 who obliged Berengarius II. to raise the siege
of Canossa, in A.D. 956, and take refuge in the Castle of
St. Giulio, as he did not wish to risk a battle against the
Germans. However, his son Adalbert proved himself more
valiant; but fortune not favouring him he became the
prisoner of Ludolf, who generously restored him to
liberty.

Soon after Berengarius II. was delivered up by his own
people to Ludolf, who treating him in the same generous
way as he had done his son Adalbert, set him free. The

25 By his first wife, Edila. Vid. Muratori, ad ann. 952.

•, COIN OF BEREIfGARlUS IT. 73

next year (957), Ludolf having died, Berengarius II. again
seized upon the kingdom of Italy, and untaught by mis-
fortunes, ruled in as cruel and as arbitrary a manner as
ever. In 958, Genoa sent an ambassador, named Eboris,
to Berengarius II. and his son Adalbert, through whom
they recognised and confirmed the constitutions and privi-
leges of the Genoese, and admonished those who owed
them fealty (feudatari) to respect them.26

At last, after the lapse of ten years, the own subjects of
Berengarius, as well as the Italians in general, applied for
help to the King of the Germans, soliciting him to deliver
them from the tyrant ; and at the same time Pope John XII.
and many Bishops, whom Berengarius had curtailed in
their rights and liberties, joined with them in the
request.

Those demonstrations, and the papal promise of the im-
perial crown to Otho I. gave so weighty an impulse, that
he directly marched at the head of an army into Italy, to
subdue his rebellious vassals, whose troops, although com-
manded by his son Adalbert, refused to fight for the tyrant.
In that manner Otho I. made himself master of Lombardy,
without opposition, and Berengarius II. and his son
Adalbert having been dethroned at Pavia in A.D. 961,
Otho was proclaimed King of Italy, and was crowned at
Milan, by the Archbishop Gualberto, in November, 961.

Otho I. then repaired to Rome, and was crowned there
as Emperor of the holy Roman Empire, by Pope John XII.
(Octavianus Albericus), on the 3rd of February, A.D
962.27

26 Serra. Storia di Geneva.

27 Amongst my series of imperial coins, is one struck in Rome
at this very period. It represents the full-faced and bearded bust
of the Emperor Otho I., inscribed * OTTO. IMPERATO. On

VOL. XVIII. L

74 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Bcrengarius II. saved himself by flying, with a small
number of his followers, into the Fortress of St. Leo,
situated in the mountainous territory of Feltro. Queen
Willa fled for refuge to the fortified island of St. Giulio, on
the Lago di Orta ; but after a siege of two months fell into
the hands of Otho, who sent her to her husband at St.
Leone, hoping she might persuade him to yield, and
deliver up the fortress. But Willa employed her entire
influence to hold it, and famine alone compelled Beren-
garius II. to surrender it in A.D. 964, 12th of September.
Otho sent the prisoner to Bamberg, where he died in A.D
966.

Berengarius II. had three sons and two daughters by
Willa ; there names were Adalbert, Guido (Widone), and
Conone. The first wandered about as a fugitive after his
deposition, and died at Autun ; the second fell in battle
against the Emperor Otho I. in A.D. 965 ; and the third
went to Constantinople and there died.

The Empress Adelaide generously took care of the two
daughters, and kept them at her court. One of them
named Gcrberga, was married to Alezan, whose valour
delivered Liguria from the Arabs, and from that union
sprang the Marquisate of Montferat, and through them
the Marquises of Saluzzo, and many noble families of
Piedmont. Willa ended her life in a convent.

the reverse we read DOM. (inns) IOANNES., and in the field,
PAPA.

The newspaper of Cologne [Kolnische Zeitung], of April 24th,
1855, informs us that an equestrian statue of the emperor Otho the
Great (I.), which stands before the town-hall, in the old market-
place of Magdeburg, is about to undergo a thorough repair, and
adds that it is not only one of the oldest monuments of that city,
but perhaps of that kind in all Germany.

Otho I. died at Memmleben, May 7th, A.D. 973.

ui\±-UJtSL,lSHED PATTERN RUPEE OF WILLIAM IV. 75

The character of Berengarius II. has induced historians
to place him in the list of passionate and cruel tyrants.
He was easily irritated, implacable in his hatred, inclined
to dissimulation, proud and imperious, but not shrinking
from humiliation if it could serve his turn, and enable
nim to execute his ambitious or revengeful plans.

As a soldier he has earned some fame ; although it ap-
pears that his boldest resolutions and actions were urged
upon him by Willa, who surpassed her husband in firmness
of character, as well as in malice and revengeful passions.
It may be yet observed that Berengarius II. had an own
brother, named Dodone, who was left in possession of
Ivrea, and became father of Ardouin, the last native King of
Italy, who reigned from 1002— 1014.24

J. G. PFISTER.

British Museum, April 25th, 1855.

V.
UNPUBLISHED PATTERN RUPEE OF WILLIAM IV.

[Read before the Numismatic Society, February 22, 1855.]

AT the sale of the superb collection of coins and medals,
formed by my respected and sincerely regretted friend, the
late James Dodsley Cuff, Esq., I obtained from Lot 2,234
patterns, engraved by Thomas Wyon, junr., A.D. 1812, for
the one and two rix dollars of Ceylon, of whose existence

28 I possess two different coins of Ardoin in my series of
coins of the kings of Italy.

76 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

I was totally ignorant ; and a pattern rupee of his late
Majesty King William IV., by the then chief engraver of
the London Mint, William Wyon, R.A., which also I had
neither seen nor even heard of. There were many other
lots in this sale, that, from their description in the Cata-
logue, I am persuaded contained unpublished coins and
patterns. But, going no further than this pattern rupee of
King William IV., we have before us tangible evidence of
what is so much to be regretted, that — while English col-
lectors will incur any expense in the purchase of coins and
medals, they rarely give themselves the trifling trouble
of making known their unpublished specimens to the less
fortunate of the numismatic tribe, whose circumstances or
residence render such varieties unknown existences, and
limit the benefit of the princely gatherings to the owner
and those who may happily be within the circle of his
friendship; and by no one could such treasures be more
courteously and willingly exhibited than they were at all
times by the kind and estimable Mr. Cuff.

In all Eastern countries the coining of money is a
symbol of supreme authority jealously retained by the
supreme power ; and, with the decline of actual supremacy
this phantom is still clung to, even when the representative
of former greatness has sunk to be a dependant for his daily
bread on some existing rule : witness the descendant of the
house of Timur, a pensioner on the English Crown, yet,
though his authority does not extend beyond the palace
he occupies, he continues to coin money, with as high-
sounding inscriptions as were ever issued by his great
ancestor, the Akbiir of A.D. 1556. Here is the style of the
late (so called) Great Moghul (who died A.D. 1837) copied
from his rupee, in my possession. The inscriptions, trans-
lated, are : —

• '

RUPEE OP WILLIAM IV. 77

Obv. — " The blessed mintage of Muhammad Akbar Shah,
the victorious King, and a (second) Sahabi Kiran
(A.H.), 1245." (A.D. 1830.)

JRev. — " Struck at Shah Jehanabad (Delhi) the seat of
Government, in the 25th year of the happy reign."
Weight, 7 dwts. 5 grains.

I am not aware that any person has taken up the subject
of the coinage of the English East India Company, all my
inquiries at booksellers' for any such works having been
unsuccessful ; but, as I understand the study of Numis-
matics is engaging attention in India, I trust that that
coinage, if not hitherto investigated, may be speedily
investigated there, where indeed it can alone be done
satisfactorily.

Ruding, in his first supplement, plate 6, and in his
second supplement, plate 15, gives engravings of some
silver and copper coins of Charles II. and James II. of
Bombay currency ; also of a large lead piece for Bombay,
which has no date, but from the letters on it (G. R.,) he
assigns it with every probability to George I. I have a
similar coin, with the date 1741, weight 1 ounce 6 grains;
and another with the date 1771, weighing 15 dwts. 15
grains ; and I have seen two pieces of similar type and
metal, half their size. The coin of 1741 came to me from
Dublin; that of 1771 was found a few years since at
Kinsale, in repairing a house. These three specimens in
lead, being of the reigns of George I. II. and III.
from their succession would seem to indicate some estab-
lished and continuous purpose. It is unlikely that any-
thing honorary would be struck in so worthless and easily
injured a metal as lead ; yet, as they all bear the authori-
tative inscription "Auspicie Regis et Senatus Anglia3," we
may presume, in the absence of any information, that they
were current coins. Ruding does not give the weights of

78 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the silver and copper coins represented in plates 6 and 15.
From their rarity, the quantities struck were probably
small ; and it is not unlikely that they were sent to Bom-
bay from London. But the Company's presuming to coin
money, drew down upon them, in the reign of William III.,
the high displeasure of the reigning Great Moghul, the
Emperor Aureng-Zeb, whom they had to appease by an
explanation. Elphinstone, in his "History of India,"
vol. ii. pp. 555, 556, mentions, that A.D. 1693, Kahfi Khan
was sent to Bombay on this and various alleged delin-
quencies of the Company, " and that they explained their
coining money in their own King's name (which was
another complaint against them), by stating that they had
to purchase investments at places where the MoghuTs
money did not pass."

Marsden, in the second volume of his " Numismata
Orientalia," p. 663, in his series of the coins of the
" Moghul Emperors of Hindustan," states : — " It was in
this year of Furrukh-slrs reign," (fifth year, A.D. 1716-17)
" that the English East India Company obtained from him
(through the agency of Mr. John Surman, factor, and
Mr. Hamilton, surgeon, with K'hojah Serhad, an Arme-
nian, as linguist), the memorable firman or edict, exempt-
ing them from the payment of customs, authorizing them
to coin money of the empire in the island of Bombay, as
had been usual at Chinapatan or Madras, and granting
them the exercise of many other important privileges."
In a note, Marsden adds, " It is dated the fourth day of
the second month (1129), and in the fifth year of the
reign (6th January, 1716 — 17); a translation of it will be
found in Fraser*s ' History of Nadir Shah/ p. 45, and the
detail of many circumstances respecting it, in Scott's

History of Arunzebe's successors,' p. 139." I am unable

RUPEE OF WILLIAM IV. 79

to obtain any of the works referred to ; nor can I find in
any history within my reach, when the East India Com-
pany's establishment at Madras took place, or whether
Chinapatan was then under their rule. But Bombay
being, as I apprehend, their then seat of government, I infer
that the privilege of coining was granted to the English
on the same terms as the native powers of Chinapatan and
Madras were allowed to exercise it.

Auber, in his " Rise and Progress of the British Power
in India," vol.i. p. 21, A.D. 1715, gives many particulars of
this grant, which however Jaffier Khan, the Moghul
" Governor of India, manifested an indisposition to obey,"
and in a dispatch from the members of the embassy, dated
Cossimbuzar, 15th August, 1717, they say, "we went our-
selves in person to him and shewed him the phirmaund,
and demanded the free use of the mint, as before advised."
Jaffier put them off, as they say, " with a few sweetening
words," and by a dispatch of the directors, dated 16th
February, 1721, we find, that up to that time the matter
still remained as it had been; for thus write the directors:
" By all this, we hope you will lay hold of the present
opportunity to get the grants confirmed. First, that of
the Mint." The "present opportunity" was probably the
accession of a new emperor (Muhammed Shah), and in
1725 they had obtained the boon; for, in a dispatch of the
Directors, dated the 1st of December, 1725, they say,
" For the reasons by you given, we permit you to rebuild
your silver mint." And this is all the information I can
find in Auber.

We may be assured that the East India Company
coined money from this period ; but I suppose that the
type, inscriptions, and even place of mintage, must have
been copied (very probably to excite less attention to the

80 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

long withheld privilege) from the Moghul's coinage, as
Marsden does not mention any coin of the Company's,
until A.D. 1762-3, when (vol.ii. p. 677, and plate 44,
coin 937) he gives a rupih of Shah Alum, " coined at
Kalkatah, in the fourth year of the happy reign of the
Emperor. Weight, 7 dwts. 11£ grains," and remarks,
" This rupih was evidently struck at the period when
Shah Alum, after the defeat of his army, consented to
place himself under the protection of the English Govern-
ment, and to receive an assignment of certain revenues for
his support. It is perhaps the earliest that expresses the
name of Calcutta, and its weight accords with the regu-
lated standard. The execution is creditable to the new
mint."

These meagre and unsatisfactory items are all that I
can glean from the means of information within my reach
of reference. From such specimens of the silver coinage
of the East India Company as we have the opportunity of
seeing here, the earlier, in type and workmanship, have a
mean appearance. Latterly their fahric improves, and
the last of the Bombay Mint, previous to the present
altered type, is a very neat and respectable coin. I shall
trouble my readers with one specimen only from each of
the presidencies.

MADRA8 MINT.

Obverse Inscription (translated) — " The blessed mintage of
the victorious Sovereign, Aziz lid-din Muhammad
Alam gir, A.H. 1172." (A.D. 1758).

Rev. — " Struck at Arcot in the 6th year of the happy reign."
Weight, 7 dwts. 11 \ grains.

This sixth was the last year of Alam glr's reign. He
was succeeded by Shah Alum.

CALCUTTA HINT.

Obverse Inscription (translated) — " Struck for circulation
through the seven climates of the world, by that

RUPEE OF WILLIAM IV. 81

shadow of the goodness of the Almighty, and
Defender of the Muhammadan faith, Shah Alum,
the King."

Rev. — " Struck at Murshedabad in the 19th year (A.H. 1204,
A.D. 1789) of the happy reign." Weight, 8 dwts.
0| grain.

BOMBAY MINT.

Obverse Inscription (translated) — " The blessed mintage of
Shah Alum, the victorious King, A.H. 121 "
(A.D. 1800).

Rev. — "Struck at Surat, 46th year of the happy reign."
Weight, 7 dwts. ll-^ grains.

I have now to describe Mr. Wyon's Pattern Rupee of
King WiUiam IV.

The charter of the East India Company was renewed
for twenty years by an Act of Parliament passed 28th
August, 1833, to expire on the 30th April, 1854; and a
change (by whom originated I know not) took place in the
type of the Indian coinage. But this pattern rupee I neither
saw nor heard of, until it surprised me by its appear-
ance from Mr. Cuff's cabinet ; for there was not anything
in the Catalogue to intimate that it in any way differed
from the current rupees of William IV., which, from their
design and execution, are seen only to excite feelings of
astonishment and contempt. I first applied to Mr. L. C.
Wyon for information ; but he was a child at the time it
was engraved, and, like myself, had neither seen nor
known of it. I have subsequently ascertained from a
gentleman connected with Mr. Wyon at that period, that
the Chief Engraver executed the Pattern for the Directors
of the East India Company, by the orders and under
the superintendence of Dr. Wilkins, their librarian, whose
assistance was the more requisite, as there are three
Oriental languages on the reverse. Mr. Wyon struck only

VOL. XVIII. M

82 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

two or three specimens for himself, and, being always very
careless as to preserving a series of his own works, I can
readily understand how they soon found their way into
the cabinets of friends near at hand ; and I believe there
were few persons for whom he had more regard than
Mr. Cuff.

The obverse of this pattern has his late Majesty's bust?
very similar to those on the English coinage, with the
inscription in Latin : —

"GULIELMUS IIII. D:G: BRITANNIAR: REX F:D:"

The reverse has a very light and elegant wreath, within
which, beneath an open lotus flower, is inscribed, " One
Rupee, 1834." Over the wreath, "East India Company."
On the lower sides, and] below the wreath, " One
Rupee" is repeated in three dialects. The inscription on
the beholder's left hand is Sanscrit ; the lower and cen-
tral, Persian ; and that on the right hand, Bengali. The
weight of the pattern is 7 dwts. 11-& grains.

The rupee, issued by the East India Company differs
lamentably from the pattern. The execution is miserably
coarse and repulsive, more suggestive of a cast than a
struck coin. For the engraving I would make much
allowance, as it may be the work of a native, accustomed
only to inscriptions in oriental characters. The obverse
has his Majesty's bust, and around it —

" WILLIAM IIII. KING."

Rev. — A wreath, within which we read " One Rupee," and
the same in Persian. Above the wreath, " East
India Company, "and immediately below it, "1835."
Weight, 7 dwts. 12^ grains.

RICHARD SAINTHILL.

PERIOD OP THE COINS OF CEYLON. OO
VI.

PERIOD OF THE COINS OF CEYLON.

HAVING had an opportunity of examining upwards of 200
of the curious little coins of Ceylon, which Mr. Vaux has
so well explained in his recent paper on the subject (Num.
Chron. XVI. p. 121 seqq.), I was led to form an opinion as
to their relative age and attribution somewhat different
from that arrived at by him.

It appears to me that the agreement in the style of art
(if art we can call it) is too uniform in the whole series of
the copper coins to allow us to place them at such intervals
as is the case in his arrangement. He" places first in the
series those of Vijaya Bahu, 1071 — 1126. Next come
Parakrama, 1153—1186; Lilawati, 1202—1205, 1214,
1215, and again in 1216 for seven months ; Sahasa Malla,
1205—1207; Dharmasoka, 1213 ; Bhuvaneka, 1303—1314.
I may mention that being unable to consult Tumour, I
take my dates from a chronological list contained in a
Ceylon gazetteer, by Simon Casie Chitty, 8vo., Ceylon,
1834.

It seems to me, however, that the appearance and style
of the coins demand a different arrangement. I lay before
the Society specimens of each of the above sovereigns,
with the exception of Vijaya, of whom I have no specimen
to spare, as very few occurred in the parcel originally. I
send, however, a neat impression of one which I still
possess.

It will be seen on inspection of these coins that there
are two distinct styles and varieties of fabric, each con-
sisting of three coins. The one is large and thin, the

84 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

other smaller, more flattened on the edges, as if struck in
n collar, and perhaps hardly so bold in its relief. It will
appear probable from these remarks that we must suppose
carh of these varieties to contain coins struck in succession,
.u id near to each other, and that any classification based
solely on the names, which should separate the coins of
.vch class, can hardly be correct.

The coins of the large class, are those bearing the names
of Lilawati, Sahasa Malta, Dharmasoka. These sovereigns
we know did reign in close succession.

The second class contains, Vijaya, Parakrama, and
Bhuvaneka. The classification of M. Vaux, however, is
found to arrange these coins as follows — Vijaya, Parakrama,
Lilawati, Sahasa Malta, Dharmasoka, Bhuvaneka. It ap-
pears to me that the separation from the small coins of
Vijaya and Parakrama, of the small coin of Bhuvaneka,
and the interposition of the large coins of the three other
sovereigns, is hardly admissible. I propose, then, to
arrange these coins as follows — Lilawati, Sahasa Malla,
Dharmasoka, Parakrama, Vijaya, Bhuvaneka.

The coins of Parakrama may belong either to Parakrama
II., an usurper, 1216 — 1219, or rather to Parakrama III.,
who reigned at Dambadeniya from 1267 to 1301. He
was succeeded by Vijaya IV., 1301 to 1303; the coins,
however, may more probably belong to Vijaya III., 1240
— 1267. Bhuvaneka I. reigned between 3303 — 1314.

This arrangement is, I think, more in accordance, so
far as I am able to judge, with the fabric and appearance
of the coins. I have placed, however, before the Society
my reasons for proposing this alteration, and my materials
for forming the opinion laid before it. Whichever way
the Society may decide I shall be satisfied, as I seek the
truth only. Numismatists are much indebted to Mr.

EXPLANATION OF A TYPE OF ARSACES XXX. 85

Vaux for the paper which I quote, without which I should
have indeed been unable to class the coins properly.

WILLIAM H. SCOTT.

VII.
EXPLANATION OF A TYPE OF ARSACES XXX.

WHEN describing the curious little coin of Arsaces XXX.,
which has the type of a sort of sea-goat, I was unable to
say anything regarding this curious representation. I
have since found on the singular monument known as the
" Caillou de Michaux," in the French cabinet, a figure
analogous, at any rate. I take it from Millin's plate in
his Monuments inedit (vol. i. p. 63, plate 9). Before an
altar kneels a monster with a goat's head, but horns more
like those of an antelope, with short wings, and with a
body covered with scales. An altar behind it hides part
of the body and tail ; but the tail appears raised perpen-
dicularly, so that part of it rises above the altar. An
injury received by the stone, or wear, prevents our know-
ing whether the tail was that of a fish or not. This figure
is curious from the similarity of the attitude to that of the
mountain goat on the curious coin of Arsaces XXI., and
which is itself identical, as I remarked at the time, with
that of two similar animals in the N. W. palace of Nimrud,
as figured by Layard. Although no altar or symbolic
ornament appears on the coin, I considered the attitude as
symbolic of adoration, from the well-known custom of the
ancients of representing, by a part of any well-known group
or symbolic representation, the whole. Millin considered

86 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

the monster as the tragelaphus of the Greeks. De Sacy
attempted to explain it from the Zendavesta, and to con-
sider it as a representation of the Ized Bekram, who appears
as " a goat, whose feet are pure, and whose horns are sharp,'
in the Bahrain Jescht, Zendavesta, ii. 291.

It is now evident, however, that the Zend liturgies can
only very partially serve in the explanation of the ancient
monuments of Persia even, and that we must wait the
development of the Assyrian Pantheon before attempting
to explain such types. The fire-worship was probably
tolerated and allowed by the Parthians to exist with the
other religions, just as the Mogul princes, Hulaku and
his descendants, allowed all religions to continue in Persia,
retaining their own vague and polytheistic worship. This
may appear from the various types on the Parthian coins,
some evidently belonging to the fire-worship, while some,
as those with the victory, or the turreted-head of Seleucia (?) ,
belong to the Greek system. The Magi, however, like the
priests of other persuasions, would naturally consider as a
persecution of their faith the toleration of any other.

Koehler has described and engraved (Gesammclte
Schriften, vol. vi. p. 47, tab. 6) a silver patera or shield in
the collection of Count Stroganow, in the centre of which
appears the mountain-goat, kneeling, as on the coin and
bas-relief already mentioned. This, like other vessels
resembling in form the monument known as the shield of
Scipio (really, however, a Homeric scene), and the patera
of Agrippa in the Vienna Museum, was discovered in
Siberia, in the province of Perm, near the banks of the
Kama. Koehler considered it of Indian workmanship;
we may now safely declare it Persian, from the coincidence
of the type, without venturing to assign it to any particular
period. W. H. SCOTT.

MISCELLANEA.

ANCIENT COINS OF LYCIA, BEFORE THE TIME OF ALEXANDER.
By SIR CHARLES FELLOWS. Lond. 8vo, 1855. — The Btudent of
Numismatic science knows full well the especial value which
attaches to monographs of particular countries and towns, and
will, therefore, hail with much pleasure the excellent work which
Sir Charles Fellows has performed, in his attempt to elucidate
what is at present known on the subject of the coinage of ancient
Lycia, himself the first to explore satisfactorily and fully the
country of which these are the most unquestionable, if not the
most curious remains. There is, probably, no other student who
could have performed this work so well, as assuredly there is no
one who could have entered upon his task with more zeal and
enthusiasm.

Sir Charles Fellows' book consists of nineteen plates of coins
(admirably drawn by Lady Fellows, and engraved by Mr. Basire),
containing representations of nearly one hundred and fifty va-
rieties of the ancient coinage of the south-western province of
Asia Minor, procured from the British Museum, his own and
many private cabinets. The first specimens, in the opinion of
Sir Charles Fellows, ascend to their earliest periods of coinage ;
perhaps to the seventh century, the last synchronizes with Alex-
ander's conquest of Lycia in B.C. 333. Subsequently to this
period, the Lycian language ceased to be used as an independent
tongue, and Greek naturally became the language of coins, as it
was that of the conquerors of the country. Though we may
have some doubt how far Sir Charles is right in his judgment of
the great antiquity of his earliest coin, we are quite ready to
admit his general statement, that the coins bearing simple in-
scriptions in the Lycian character, are older than the invasion of
Alexander.

The coins of ancient Lycia do not present any great variety of
type, nor are they distinguishable by any peculiar beauty : this is,
indeed, what we should naturally be led to expect. Though an
enterprising, and to a certain extent (as their sculptured monu-
ments indicate) a wealthy people, they had not acquired in early
times that knowledge, or that civilization, which led the colonies
of the purely Greek towns to fashion so many beautiful gem-like
coins as we find in Sicily and Magna Grsecia, and even in some of
the islands of the Archipelago.

But the coins and other monuments of Lycia have, nevertheless,

88 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

a claim to a high interest upon the students of antiquity. As
Sir Charles Fellows has justly remarked, many of the best known
legends which have been embalmed in the poetry of Homer,
came originally from, or at least have reference to, that country,
Herodotus speaks of three principal tribes, the Caunians, Troes,
and Tramelse ; and Sir Charles Fellows has found, that from
Caunus on the West to Cape Caledonia on the East, the same art
may be traced sculpturing the rocks, inscribing the same language,
and using the same mythology.

Sir Charles Fellows has added greatly to the value of his little
volume by an excellently executed map, in which he has entered
the local names and the places ; and by an ingenious colouring,
has shown how far up in the country the earliest inhabitants in
all probability extended. By giving three different colours, he has
been able to show the position of each of these three tribes. Many of
the symbols found on the coins indicate sufficiently well the nature
of the country to which they belong ; thus, the wild boar, a very
common symbol, suits well the extensive and swampy valley of
the Caunus, in which he abounds as much now as ever. Among
the earliest legends, the mountain range is said to have been
haunted by the chimera — a she-lion with a goat's head rising
from her back, and a snake for her tail — while stories of lions
are still heard, and reports that these beasts have been killed
within late years are still in the mouths of the peasantry.

Sir Charles Fellows has also published a plate, giving, in the
form of a table, the chronological succession of the monuments
and coins of Lycia. We may add, that in a genuine spirit of
liberality, he expresses a wish, that any one who may possess
any new types will forward them to him, in which case he offers
to engrave them on blank spaces left for this purpose on his
plates, so as to make this present Catalogue as complete and
valuable as he can to the student of numismatics.

VIII.

MEDALLIC TICKETS.

" Prize little things, nor think it ill
That men small things preserve."

COWLEY.

HAVING been for some years a collector of tickets to places
of public resort, and sensible that not a little interest
attaches to them, as throwing light upon the amusements
of our forefathers, I have thought, that my dottings down,
if thrown together, might furnish an article not unaccept-
ble to some of your readers.

The tickets that first claim our notice, as well from
priority in point of time as from their great variety, are
those of admission to theatres ; but I have never met with
any that could claim a date previous to the Restoration.
Theatrical amusements appear never to have been much
patronised by the court even in Shakspeare's time, neither
by Elizabeth nor her two immediate successors ; and in
the puritanical period that followed, they were altogether
discouraged and suppressed. But with the Restoration
came a new court, new habits, a revival of gay amuse-
ments, and a mad love of pleasure; theatres began to
abound ; the King, the Queen, the Duke of York, each
had their favourite theatre, which were recognised by
royal titles, while the players were distinguished as " the
King's servants," " the Duke's servants," etc. The foun-
dation of the "Theatre Royal" (Drury Lane) was laid

VOL. XVIII. N

90 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

soon after the King's return, and opened in April, 1663.
Until this was ready to receive them, the company, under
Killigrew, performed at the Red Bull, in St. John Street,
originally founded in the reign of Elizabeth. The earliest
ticket I have seen is of this theatre. It is of copper ; has
on the obverse a bull's-head coupe within a wreath, and
on the reverse, " Upper Gallery." It is supposed to be
the work of Roettier, who is known to have struck some
of the theatre tickets of this period; but there are no
initials upon it to indicate the artist. The players having
removed to the new theatre, the Red Bull seems to have
been never more used as a play-house ; indeed, Davenant,
writing at the end of 1663, says, "there are no tenants in
it but spiders." Of Drury Lane Theatre, there are nume-
rous varieties in silver, brass, and copper, some with the
head of Charles II. alone, and some with his portrait con-
joined with that of Queen Catherine ; but I have not found
any with other dates than 1671 and 1684. The only other
tickets I have obtained relating to this theatre are of the
date of 1776, and are admissions to box, pit, and gallery,
respectively. I have six varieties of this date.

The Duke's Theatre in Dorset Gardens was opened in
1671 ; and the two tickets in my possession particularize
the very day of the opening, " 9th Nov., 1671," and are
for the " First Gallerie," and " Upper Gallerie." Both
are in copper, and have for obverse the Duke's cypher
surmounted by a coronet.

The Duke's Theatre took the name of " The Queen's" on
the accession of James II., the Queen (Mary of Modena)
becoming the patroness. Accordingly, we find two tickets
in brass and copper bearing her portrait, and dated 1684.
They were struck by the elder Roettier.

There is a neatly-struck brass ticket bearing the heud of

MEDALLIC TICKETS. 91

James II., and on the reverse, " King James's Pallace
Admittance Sixpence." Two specimens in my collection,
and all others that I have seen, are invariably counter-
marked " T. R.," which can signify nothing but Theatre
Royal. Could this be the place alluded to by Pepys in
November, 1666, when he says, " To Whitehall, and into
the new playhouse there, the first time I ever was there"?
It would seem, that this theatre was exclusively for the
court ; for Pepys in the following month says, " Got my
Lord Bellasses to get me into the playhouse." Yet twenty
years afterwards, when James had become King, it would
appear by this ticket that sixpence secured admisson.

Covent Garden Theatre, built in rivalry of Drury Lane,
was first opened in 1732. The earliest dated ticket I
possess is of 1755, and has the bust of George II.; it is
the work of Kirk, and well executed. Another by Pingo
has the head of the Duke of Cumberland, without date,
but supposed to have been struck on the suppression of
the Rebellion of 1745. I find in my collection twelve
other copper tickets admitting to various parts of the
house, of the dates 1762, 1796, and 1809.

Goodman's Fields Theatre is remarkable for being the
scene of Garrick's debut in 1741. It was built in 1732,
and burnt in 1746. There is no view of the building
known but that which is on the tickets, of which I possess
a set of three in different metals, viz. " Box" (brass), " Pit"
(copper), "Gallery" (pewter).

The Haymarket Theatre, called at first "The Little
Theatre in the Haymarket," to distinguish it from another
on the opposite side of the street (now known as the Opera
House), was built and opened in 1720. Two well-executed
tickets, or passes, for the first and second gallery are dated
1778.

92 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Astley's Amphitheatre was founded by Philip Astley in
1772. In 1786 it was covered in, much improved, and
was then called " The Royal Grove." In 1792, under the
management of Jacob Astley, it assumed the name of
"The Royal Saloon, or Astley's Amphitheatre." There
are two tickets of admission extant, one in copper of an
early period, simply inscribed, "Astley's Exhibition,"
but without date; and an oval one in silver, being a
" General Admission" to the " Royalty Theatre and to
the Amphitheatre, Westminster Bridge/' when both were
under the management of Jacob Astley.

The Royalty Theatre in Wellclose Square was built for
the dramatic entertainment of the East-Londoners, and
first opened in 1787. It was destroyed by fire in 1826.
Two varieties of copper tickets are dated 1790.

The Royal Circus in the Blackfriars Road was opened
in 1782, in rivalry of Astley's Amphitheatre. It was burnt
in 1805, and being rebuilt was named "The Surrey
Theatre." The author of " Rejected Addresses," in allu-
sion to this event, says—

" Burned down the Royal Circus in a hurry
('T was called the Circus then, but now the Surrey)."

I have two undated tickets of the original " Royal Circus,"
and one issued when the new theatre was erected, with
both names upon it. Under Elliston's management, one
was struck with his initials C. R. E. in the centre.

The Italian Opera House, or King's Theatre, as it is
commonly called, was originally built in 1705, and de-
stroyed by fire in 1789.1 The present house was opened

1 In the " Reminiscences of Michael Kelly," it is said that this
fire was the work of an incendiary, and that the perpetrator was
an Italian actor in the employ of Gallini, and who was instigated

MEDALLIC TICKETS. 9o

in 1791, commemorated by a very beautiful silver ticket,
having the date in an oval surmounted by a royal crown,
above which are the words, " King's Theatre"; on the re-
verse, " Haymarket" over two olive-branches; and in the
centre a blank space for engraving the number. Handel's
first opera was performed in the original house in 1711.

The Pantheon was originally erected for a theatre and
public promenade in 1772, the event being recorded by a
silver ticket bearing that date. The obverse is interesting,
as it represents the fa9ade of the original building, and is
exceedingly well executed. Here the company of the
Italian Opera House performed, under the management of
O'Reilley, during the restoration of their theatre in 1790-1.
This building was burnt down in 1792, and another erected
which was taken down in 1812. The third erection is
now known as the Pantheon Bazaar.

The theatres in the provinces followed the example of
those of London, and issued tickets of admission both in
silver and copper. Birmingham issued one in 1774, which
has for obverse a well delineated bust of Shakspeare, with
the legend, " We shall not look upon his like again." I
find two in silver for the " New Theatre Royal, Hull,'7 one
undated, and the other 1810. These have the names of
the subscriber engraved on the reverse. Another, in-
scribed "King Street Theatre," supposed to be of Bristol,
and struck about the time when Garrick performed there,
presents on the obverse a group of dramatic emblems,
with the motto, " Spectas et tu spectabere." A corre-
spondent of " Notes and Queries" says this theatre was

by revenge. Certain it is, that the suspected incendiary was
coolly supping at the Orange Coffee House, and (Nero-like) watch-
ing the progress of the flames.

94 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

considered one of the best schools for actors out of
London.8

Ireland, likewise, offers us specimens of these medallic
curiosities, although I have met with no examples beyond
those of Dublin. It is said that the first theatre in this
city was erected in 1635. Smock Alley Theatre was
built and finished in 1662, on which occasion a renewal of
the patent was granted to John Ogilby ; from which we
may infer that a theatre existed here previously. At that
time Smock Alley was called Orange Street ; but in 1830
the name of Smock Alley was exchanged for that of Essex
Street West. The tickets are thin pieces of copper, en-
graved, "Theatre Royal, Smock Alley"; and on the
reverse the proprietor's name. My specimen has " John
Carey's Ticket, transferable." Whether this gentleman
was related to the celebrated Paddy Carey I have no
means of ascertaining.

Crow Street Theatre was opened in 1758, and was long
considered the best managed theatre in Dublin. There
are tickets, or passes, for box, pit, and gallery, all dated
1790, all from different dies, and very well struck. "When
the patent of this theatre expired, Mr. Harris, of Covent
Garden, purchased a renewal from Government j and not
being able to procure Crow Street Theatre from the pro-
prietors on reasonable terms, built the present very beau-
tiful place of amusement in Hawkins Street, called the
New Theatre Royal."3 Passes for this theatre were struck
by Woodhouse in 1847 ; square pieces for boxes, oval for
gallery, and triangular for pit, so that the door-keepers

2 A very fine proof ticket for the theatre at Ipswich is in the
collection formed by the late Sir George Chetwynd, Bart.

3 Wright's Historical Guide to Dublin, 1821.

MEDALLIC TICKETS. 95

might distinguish 'between the pit and gallery passes by
the touch. The device on each is a crown within a cir-
cular label or garter, on which is inscribed, " Theatre
Royal, Dublin."

The private theatre in Fishamble Street, Dublin, opened
for the first time on the 6th March, 1793, under the
management of the Earl of Westmeath and Frederick
Jones, who, in 1796, obtained by Act of Parliament the
monopoly of theatrical performances in Ireland, about
which time the amateurs ceased to perform. The ticket,
which is in silver, was struck by Mossop, and bears on the
obverse the three Muses, Melpomene, Terpsichore, and
Thalia, the latter holding a scroll on which is inscribed
the words, " Describo mores hominum." Reverse, " Pri-
vate Theatre," with the name of the subscriber engraved
in the centre. A ticket in gold was presented by the
subscribers to the Countess of Camden, the lady of the
Lord Lieutenant, having on reverse, in addition to the
words " Private Theatre," the initials " F. C.," in double
monogram, under an earl's coronet.4

The next class of tickets that claim our attention are
those of admission to public gardens; and of these, as
regards antiquity and popularity, Vauxhall attracts our
first notice. These gardens were founded about 1661, and
in the present year (1855) are still a place of popular
resort and recreation. Evelyn mentions them in the
former year under the name of Spring Gardens ; and
Pepys, who was a frequent visitor thereto from 1665 to
1668, indifferently terms them Spring Gardens or Foxall ;

4 I am indebted to my kind friend and correspondent, Dr.
Aquila Smith of Dublin, for these brief data concerning Irish
theatres.

96 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

and by the former name they continued to be known until
1785. Evelyn notices the place as a "pretty contrived
plantation"; and Pepys, in his gossiping style, tells us how
he " supped in an arbour," as is the custom now-a-days.
Thoresby, Addison,5 and Walpole, all visited them, and
have left their encomiums on record. Indeed, as regards
ingenuity in the arrangement of the gardens, the diversity
of amusements, or the splendour of the illuminations,
Vauxhall has never been surpassed, nor is likely ever to be
rivalled. But it was under the liberal rule and manage-
ment of Jonathan Tyers that these gardens attained their
highest point of popularity and fashion. He called to his
aid the arts of painting, sculpture, and music; and the
names of Hogarth, Roubiliac, and Handel will ever be
associated with that of Vauxhall Gardens. The paintings
by Hogarth, and the statue of Handel by Roubiliac, con-
tinued to be not the least of the attractions until the dis-
mantling of the gardens and dispersion of its chief orna-
ments in 1843. Tyers opened the gardens in 1732, with a
" Ridotto al Fresco," when the Prince of Wales and many
of the nobility were present. It was about eight years
subsequently to this that he first began to issue silver
tickets of admission, and they are the very luxury of
tickets. Ten or twelve varieties are known,6 all of them
designed by Hogarth, each of a different fanciful but
elegant shape, with arabesque borders and graceful devices.
A page of them forms one of the most attractive illustra-

5 Addison visited the gardens in 1712, and compares the place
to a sort of Mahometan Paradise. Persons frequently went there
in masks. He adds that the usual refreshments were mead, Burton
ale, and hung beef.

6 Mr. Hawkins of the British Museum is possessed, I believe,
of nearly the entire series of these tickets.

MEDALLIC TICKETS. 97

tions of Wilkinson's " Londina Illustrata," but the author
has omitted some varieties. I possess one that has been
engraved only (and very imperfectly) in Allen's "History
of Lambeth." It represents Flora seated upon clouds,
and surrounded with garlands and groups of flowers; be-
neath, upon a label, is the motto, " Grata vice veris." I
have also a fine impression in silver from the same die as
the gold ticket that Tyers gave to Hogarth7 in reward for

7 The Hogarth ticket was intended to be a perpetual admission
for six persons, and it is a rare if not an unparalleled fact in the
history of any place of public amusement, that the privilege' was
enjoyed for above one hundred years, and only ceased when the
Hogarth paintings were removed on the dismantling of the gar-
dens in 1843. The device on this ticket represents two female
figures, respectively named " Virtus" and " Voluptas," and be-
neath the words " Felices una." On the reverse, Hogarth's name
is engraved, followed by this legend, " In perpetuam beneficii
memoriam." The history of this interesting memorial is some-
what curious. After Hogarth's death it remained in Mrs. Ho-
garth's possession, who, at her decease, bequeathed it to her niece,
Mrs. Lewis, by whom it was left to her kinsman, P. F. Hast, Esq.,
who dying in 1823, gave it by will to John Tuck, Esq., some-
times called Captain Tuck. On the death of this gentleman it
was sold by auction, and a Mr. Merch became the purchaser for the
Bum of £40. What other hands it passed into I do not know ; but
ultimately it fell into the possession of a pawnbroker in Walworth,
named Masterman. The author of " Wine and Walnuts," writing in
1820, says he was informed it was then in the possession of Shield,
the composer; but he was manifestly in error, since its history, pre-
viously to coming to Mr. Tuck, is well authenticated. Masterman
having advanced more money on it than it was ever likely to be
redeemed for, sent it, in Sept., 1843, to Gwennap, the picture dealer
of Titchborne Street (who then had the Hogarth pictures, recently
removed from Vauxhall, in his possession to clean), to sell it for him,
thinking that whoever purchased the pictures might wish to pos-
sess the ticket also. The price asked was too high, inasmuch as it
had ceased to be a free admission, and was interesting only as a
curiosity and as a relic of Hogarth, It was ultimately bought by
Frederick Gye, Esq., of Springfield House, Wandsworth Road, in
whose possession it now remains. A portrait of Jonathan Tyers,
painted by Watteau, was presented by Tyers to Hogarth with the
ticket, and this portrait is likewise in Mr. Gye's possession.

VOL. XVIII. O

98 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

his paintings. Another in my possession has Calliope
seated, with her attributes. But the most interesting
feature of my collection is Handel's admission ticket, most
probably a gift from Tyers. It represents Amphion seated
on a dolphin and playing the lyre, a device very appro-
priate, and probably designed as a compliment to the
great composer ; on the back is engraved his name, " Geo :
Fr : Handell Esq :" These tickets were all engraved with
the name of the proprietor on the reverse, and were sold
at twenty-four shillings each as an admission for the
season, a single admission being one shilling.

Ranelagh House and Gardens, erected on the site of
the gardens of a villa of Lord Ranelagh at Chelsea, were
opened in 1742, in rivalry of Vauxhall. Music, singing,
dancing, masquerades, and ridottos al fresco, appear to
have been the staple amusements. The Rotunda Dr. John-
son declared " was the finest thing he had ever seen."8
Walpole frequently visited it, and mentions it in his
letters to Mann and Conway ; he describes its attractions,
but adds, " Vauxhall is better, for the garden is pleasanter,
and one goes by water." The cost of admission was one
shilling. The place was closed finally in 1802, and the
locality is now built upon. Two tickets are before me for
" Ranelagh House," and both dated 1745.

Marylebone Gardens occupied the site of Beaumont
Street and Devonshire Place, nearly opposite to where the
church now stands, and rejoiced in a famous bowling-
green, much frequented in the reign of Queen Anne.
About 1740, the gardens were opened for public break-
fasts, and ultimately amusements similar to those of Vaux-
hall and Ranelagh were introduced. Their career termi-

8 Cunningham's " Handbook of London."

MEDALLIC TICKETS. 99

nated in 1777. Several tickets, of various devices, both
in silver and copper, are known. That in my possession
is of oval shape, with " Marybone Gardens, 1771," be-
tween wreaths of flowers. One, engraved by Wilkinson,
is of different device, and dated 1 766.

Apollo Gardens stood upon the site of, or adjoining to,
the Female Orphan Asylum in the Westminster Road,
and flourished about the beginning of the present century.
The amusements were of the usual open-air description,
music, singing, and fireworks. A very neat ticket or
check, but without any date, commemorates the name.

Sydney Gardens, Vauxhall, was a place of entertain-
ment by the water-side, situate near the spot where the
approach to the present bridge commences. The ticket
has no date, only the name.

The locality of Cromwell's Garden, Brompton, is suffi-
ciently attested by the names of " Cromwell House,"
" Cromwell Lodge," " Cromwell Cottage," etc., which
occupy the site of it. It was little more than a suburban
tea-garden. The ticket is a coarse copy (in pewter) of
Oliver's shilling ; with the addition of, over the shield on
the reverse, " Crom1. Garden ;" and, underneath, the price
of admission, "6?.". Wilkinson has engraved one of a
different design.

The Grotto Gardens, situate in the parish of St. George,
Southwark, was a popular place of resort about the middle
of the last century. Music and singing were the chief
attractions. Wilkinson states, that it is supposed Richard
Suett, the comic actor, sang in public here for some time.
The ticket, coarsely executed in brass, is inscribed, " The
Grotto, 1764."

Another class of tickets were those that admitted to the
royal parks, as well as to the parks of the nobility. The

100 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

public, now so freely admitted to these places of recreation
and health, can scarcely imagine with what jealous exclu-
siveness they were guarded during the reign of the first
two Georges. Hyde Park 9 could not be entered without
a key,10 and a very elegant ticket records the prevention of
general admission to St. James's Park. This ticket has
the royal cypher and crown on one side, over the name of
the park ; and on the other an ornamental E., surmounted
by an earl's coronet (the cypher, probably, of the then
ranger), and around it the words, "No servant without
his master." George the Second's jealousy of the privilege
of driving through St. James's Park is illustrated by a
curious anecdote. Sir Rowland Philipps, a zealous sup-
porter of the. government, and in high favour with the
ministry then in power, had to make a considerable detour
in going from his residence to the House of Commons,
which might have been avoided if he could obtain per-
mission for his carriage to pass through the park. He
applied to the prime minister for the time being, reminded
him of his services, and requested him to obtain him the
privilege. The minister acknowledged the value of his
support, declared how desirous he was to oblige him, but

9 In " A Character of England," written by a Frenchman, and
published in 1651, this notice of Hyde Park occurs : — " Hyde
Parke was used by the late king and nobility for the freshness of
the air and the goodly prospect : but it is that which now (besides
all other excises) they pay for here in England, though it be free
in all the world beside; every coach and horse which enters
buying his mouthful, and permission of the publicane who has
purchased it, for which the entrance is guarded with porters and
long staves."

10 A friend of ours, who has a collection of keys, has one of
these. A plate of brass is inserted within the bow, on which is
engraved, " Hyde Park Bars." " No Servants without their
Masters."

MEDALLIC TICKETS. 101

that the king was so extremely rigid in excluding all but
the very highest officers of state and of the royal house-
hold, that he dared not ask it. " But/' said he, " if an
Irish peerage will do as well, T can give you that." The
alternative was accepted, and Sir Rowland became Lord
Milford.

Access to the New Park at Windsor was obtainable
only by a pass or ticket. This ticket is of gilt bronze, and
of elegant workmanship. The royal cypher, crown, and
garter form the obverse; and on the reverse, under the
words " New Park," is a space for engraving the name of
the privileged party. One in my possession is inscribed
«yt Mon* Edcumbe" (sic). Another variety has the
letter W. under a baron's coronet.

Greenwich Park, now the favourite resort of the London
population, was also, a century ago, closed to all not pro-
vided with tickets. A very curious one, of an oblong
shape, is before me : a crown divides the letters G. and R/.,
and " Greenwich Park, 1733, No. 289," forms the reverse.

In like manner, the parks of the nobility opened their
gates to those only who were favoured with the pass.
Three specimens are before me, in silver, brass, and copper,
stamped with the armorial bearings of the Duke of Bed-
ford, the Earl of Essex, and Lord Lowther.

The enclosure of St. James's Square appears also to have
been a privileged place. A very elegant silver ticket,
apparently struck about the beginning of the eighteenth
century, presents us with an accurate delineation of the
equestrian statue of William III., which still stands in the
centre of the square. On the reverse, between branches
of palm and olive, are the words " Morning and Evening,"
which we may suppose were the appointed hours for pro-
menading in this aristocratic locality.

102 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Pass tickets for the " King's Private Roads," one of
which is still known as the King's Road, Chelsea, and was
George the Second's favourite road to Kew, permitted the
holders to use these roads. Three varieties, from different
dies, are known. They are of brass and copper; one
without date, and the others of 1731 and 1737.

Tickets to clubs and gaming-houses form no inconsider-
able or incurious portion of our series; but we shall
describe only a few of them. The Beef Steak Club is one
of the oldest in London, and from its commencement has
numbered among its members many eminent men. The
president always wore a small golden gridiron suspended
from his neck by a green ribbon. Actors have generally
been enrolled among its members, probably from the fact
that the club held its meetings and eatings in a room in
Covent Garden Theatre. The ticket (or badge) in my
possession formerly belonged to Munden the comedian,
whose name is engraved on the back of it : it represents a
gridiron of ten bars, cut in open-work, and surmounted
by a circular label, on which is engraved, " Esto perpetua
ad libitum ;" above and below it is wrought into the form
of scrolls or ribbons knotted, and surmounted by a loop
for suspension.

The Society of Ancient Music is commemorated by a
very pretty silver ticket, of a fanciful shape, somewhat in
the form of a shield. Apollo is seated at the base of a
column, with his left arm resting on a lyre, and musical
instruments scattered around. In the background is a
Cherub or Cupid playing on a mandolin. This society
was highly patronised, and enjoyed great popularity in its
day.

Another meritorious institution was the Dublin Musical
Society, whose profits were applied to the relief of poor

MEDALLIC TICKETS. 103

debtors. The ticket used by them represents on the ob-
verse the well-known story of the Roman Charity, sur-
rounded by this inscription : " I was in prison, and ye
came unto me." A group of musical instruments forms
the reverse, with the proprietor's name engraved. The
society was popular, and effected a great amount of good.

All the club-houses of the last century were essentially
gaming houses ; and the fact was not disguised. Tickets,
sometimes used as counters, were struck by these clubs,
and generally in no meaner metal than silver. Milton,
one of the best artists of his time, made the dies of nearly
all that I have met with. Robert Simpson was the pro-
prietor of one of the most eminent of these club-houses,
which was situated in Suffolk Street, Haymarket. The
Prince of Wales frequented this house; and the ticket
bears the triple plume and the prince's motto, " Ich dien."
Another club-house in the same street was in the owner-
ship of the firm of Smith and Lockwood, and the device
on it is the ace of spades, with the crown and garter, as on
the card. Probably this was used as a counter, and from
its size and weight would represent half-a-crown.

The neighbourhood of the Haymarket was prolific of
these clubs, for we find the ticket of another, situate in
Norris Street, adjoining Suffolk Street, now swept away
by the improvements in that quarter. The initials of
John Liston, the proprietor, are on one side ; on the other
his armorial bearings, and the date, 1792.

In the same year a city gaming-house was established,
and its opening date, " 1 May, 1792," is commemorated
on a silver counter. It was situate in Bury Street, Saint
Mary Axe, and the initials of the projector, S. Finri, are
upon it. The device on the obverse is similar to that of
Smith and Lock wood's.

104 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Another notorious gaming establishment had its locale
at " No. 3, King's Place, Pall Mall ;" above this was the
word " Hazard ;" and this inscription formed the reverse
of their ticket or counter. The obverse represents the
famous horse-race between Hambletonian and Diamond,11
from which we may infer that the turf as well as the
gaming-table occupied the attention of the club. The
mal-practices of this club became so notorious that it
attracted the notice of the authorities, and in the attempts
to suppress it many hundreds of these silver tickets fell
into the hands of the police.12

There are a great variety of other tickets in metal of
clubs, societies, institutions, etc., not necessary here to
enlarge upon. I have confined myself to describing only
such as are in my own collection, and only the most in-
teresting of those. For the dates respecting theatres, I
must acknowledge I am indebted to Cunningham's "Hand-
book of London," allowed to be the most accurate work of
its class. B. N.

11 This celebrated match was run at Newmarket on the 25th
March, 1799, the stakes being 3,000 guineas. Hambletonian
was the property of Sir Henry Vane Tempest, and Mr. Cookson
was the owner of Diamond. The race was run in about 4£
minutes, the distance being 1 m. 1 fur. and 138 yards. It was
won by Hambletonian, after a very severe race, by half a neck.
The betting was extremely heavy, the odds being in favour of
Hambletonian.

18 MS. book in the medal room of British Museum, in the
autograph of Miss Banks.

105

IX.

CORRECTION OF ERRORS RESPECTING THE COINAGE
OF THE ANCIENT CELTIC KINGS OF BRITAIN.

MR. EVANS having made some remarks on the ancient
British coins, pp. 36 — 53 of the present volume of the
Numismatic Chronicle, I submit the following observations,
intended to show the true statistics of some points con-
nected with the same class of coins, to ascertain which
may be considered an object of common interest to those
who may wish to form correct ideas respecting them.

I may open the subject, by saying, that it is known to
many, that when Mr. Birch suggested, some ten or twelve
years ago, the interpretation of TASCIIOVANI. F. on the
coins of Cunobeline to be TASCIIOVANI FILIVS, which
was supposed to give an entirely new view of the question,
and to show the parentage of Cunobeline, at the same
juncture another coin of that monarch was discovered,
which came into the possession of Mr. Wigan, of Clare
House, East Mailing, Kent, and was said to read on its
reverse TASC. FIR. This, indeed, was somewhat negligently
examined at first in London, and doubted as to its legend,
as may be seen in the Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. VII.
No. XXV. for 1844, p. 79 ; but in fact the reading is clear
enough, and has always been maintained from the first up
to the present time by its owner, Mr. Wigan, a numisma-
tist of great reputation ; and also by another of high stand-
ing, Mr. Shepherd, the co-operator in supplying numerous
types to the work of Mr. Hawkins, the " Silver Coins of
Great Britain." However, I may refer presently to this
specimen, and to another very similar, belonging to the
Hon. R. C. Neville.

VOL. XVIII. P

106 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

I will now proceed to examine one or two passages in
the Remarks, in which the most material misconception
appears to exist. The writer of the Remarks says, p. 43 : —

" If there is one formula more common than another
in the Roman coinage current at that period, it is that of
AVGVSTVS DIVI. F., and it was from the evident analogy
between this and the British legend, that Mr. Birch sug-
gested the interpretation, ' Cunobeline the Son of Tascio-
van.' Indeed, regarding the inscription as Latin, and I
cannot see in what other light it is to be regarded, it is
almost impossible to assign another meaning to the F."

In reading the above, we cannot help being reminded
of the French adage,

" Le vrai n'est pas toujours le vraisemblable."

It was by plausibilities like these, that Camden and some
of the early Numismatists were deceived, in supposing that
TASCIO implied tax, from the actual existence of such a
word, or one closely approximating to it in the Welsh lan-
guage, which in fact was a much stronger case of the kind.
No doubt the apparent similarity of the Roman formula
DIVI FILIVS, caused the application of the British legend
to which Mr. Evans refers ; but beyond this there is no cor-
respondency to be traced, either in the nationalities of the
Britons of that day, or in the political circumstances of those
times, or in the position of Cunobeline himself, or in any of
the other circumstances of the case. In short, a general pro-
bability is wanting, though there may be a coincidence in
one point,

I must confess the Latin terminations to Celtic words
on Cunobeline's coins, form a very remarkable feature. I
consider the reason to be, that as he Romanised his coin-
age to a certain degree, though not altogether, so that he
sought to improve his country's language by adding to it
Romanised inflections and terminations. Whoever will

LEGENDS OF THE MONEYS OP CuNOBELlNE. 107

refer to the ancient British poem of the Gododin, written
in the sixth century, which has lately been ably edited in
England by Mr. Williams, and in France by the Count de
la Villemarque, will find the great majority of the words,
as it were, in a state of nature without inflections; in fact
without a grammatical dress. Cunobeline, brought up at
Rome, as it is usually admitted he was, might have con-
sidered this a great barbarism, and he may have on this
principle introduced Latin inflections on his coins in his
Celtic legends. His doing so should not so much surprise
us; as we find from "Lelewel's Type Gaulois," p. 237,
that the Gauls applied Greek inflections to their legends,
of which he mentions some instances.

Now it so happens, that in the legends of Cunobeline,
which form more particularly our present subject, not one
Latinized genitive merely, but two are introduced. We
have CVNOBELINI in the genitive case in the obverse, and
TASCIIOVANI in the genitive case on the reverse. There
being two genitive cases, the first must of course be go-
verned, according to the Latin idiom, by some word not
expressed but understood. Here the reference of the
legend is to the money itself; and the words on these
coins, CVNOBELINI TASCIIOVANI, are to be rendered,
"The Money of Cunobeline the Ruler." The practice
was not Roman but Greek, as the coins of the Macedonian
Philip have the word *IAinnOY upon them. But the
legend has also an F at the end, for the whole of it is,
CVNOBELINI TASCIIOVANI. F. In regard to this F,
some suppose that it must necessarily imply Filius : how-
ever, a reference to the work of Mr. Akerman, the " Coins
of Cities and Princes," p. 55, shows that an F, even in a
Latin legend, need not do so. Here in our case it stands
for a Celtic word ; and we shall see presently more parti-
cularly what it does mean.

108 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

But in connection with these Latin inflections, it is
certainly surprising that the writer of the Remarks, who
has himself brought forward a new type of Cunobeline,
inscribed with (TASCIIO)VANTIS (Numismatic Chronicle,
p. 39), should still maintain that the word " tasciovanus,"
which implies " ruler " or " commander" only, is a proper
name. His own type effectually overthrows all idea of its
being so. Suppose a person unversed in Roman coins
should uphold that INPERATOR inscribed on them was
a proper name, and should adduce as an argument, that
he had found a type with the word IMPERANTIS, would
he convince thereby? On the contrary, he would imme-
diately be told he had confuted himself, for that we have
no DOMITIANTIS, no IVLIANTIS on coins; while it
would be added, that as IMPERATOR does imply a person
ruling or commanding, IMPERATORIS and IMPERANTIS
would have a like meaning. The same is without doubt
the case with TASCIIOVANI and TASCIIOVANTIS.

Page 38. " There is another type which has been fre-
quently referred to in discussing this subject (meaning
that in the British Museum), with a galeated head,
and the legend CVNOBELINVS on the obverse, and
TASCIIOVANI. F. on the reverse, the type being a sow
standing to the right. Of this type I possess a variety,
which gives the legend TASCIIOVANII ; with an F, in the
exergue. It is No. 2 in the Plate, and its weight is 37£
grains."

Now here is an error which apparently has been long
entertained ; but I must correct it. There is no such type
in the British Museum, reading CVNOBELINVS on the
obverse, and TASCIIOVANI, F. on the reverse. I have
examined the coin attentively myself as to this point ; and
both Taylor Combe and Ruding read and engrave it

LEGENDS OP THE MONEYS OF CUNOBELINE. 109

CVNOBELTNI on the obverse. Mr. Birch admits in Vol.
VII. of the Numismatic Chronicle for 1844, p. 79, that it
has not the reading CVNOBELINVS, and confines himself
to CVNOBELIN. Notwithstanding, however, Mr. Birch's
disavowal, it was engraved, by mistake apparently, in his
Plate, fig. 3, as CVNOBELINVS, which has been the
means of misleading many who have not paid particular
attention to the subject. No authentic coin with the
genitive form TASCIIOVANI on the reverse, reads any-
thing else than the genitive form, also CVNOBELINI, or
some indication of a genitive, when a contraction is used,
on the obverse. Indeed we appear to have sufficient in-
stances in Vol. VII. of the Numismatic Chronicle, p. 83,
to make us understand that the formula of the two geni-
tives, to which I have before alluded, was always observed
in this style of legend of this king. (Compare also with
p. 79). Bearing, then, this in mind, I cannot but suppose,
either that Mr. Evans has misread his type, or that it is
not genuine, or otherwise that there might have been a
casual error of the artist committed when the die was
engraved.

Page 39. " There are the coins with the seated boar on
the reverse, and the legend TASC FIL, in the collections
of Mr. Wigan and the Hon. R. C. Neville. I am aware
there has been and still remains some uncertainty as to
the last letter of this legend, which on Mr. Wigan' s coin
has been considered by some to be an R ; I can, however,
from examination of an impression he was kind enough to
send me, state with confidence, that the supposed R is
merely a straight stroke, probably the upright stroke of
an L, honeycombed. This letter appears more plainly,
though not quite indisputably on Mr. Neville's coin."

Respecting these two statements, first in regard to Mr.

110 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Wigan's coin, next to that of Mr. Neville, which is not
from the same die, but is rather of coarser and bolder
workmanship.

As to Mr. Wigan's type, then, it is not easy to under-
stand how any difficulties about it ever could have arisen.
None have certainly existed in the mind of the owner,
whose opinion has never varied. I was favoured with its
possession for about three months, for the purpose of
having it engraved ; and during that period submitted it to
the inspection of Mr. C. Roach Smith, Mr.Fairholt, the late
Mr. Cuff, and other persons, who unhesitatingly gave me
their decided opinion that the reading was TASC. FIR, and
no other. I did not know Mr. Cuff's previous sentiments, but
I have reason to believe that both Mr. C. Roach Smith and
Mr. Fairholt were much prepossessed against the reading ;
but on seeing the coin, they candidly and unreservedly
admitted it. I conclude that Mr. Evans would do so too
if he examined the type itself, there being frequently an
uncertainty in sealing-wax impressions in expressing the
precise characteristics of corroded types. In the case of
Mr. Neville's specimen, the workmanship of that is bolder ;
and the only obscurity there, is, that the rim has interfered
and taken off a part of the concluding letter R : the read-
ing, however, TASC. FIR, is left very manifest. I procured
the eminent numismatist above mentioned, Mr. C. Roach
Smith, to examine a plaster cast of the coin, and found
his opinion was perfectly the same as my own. There is not
the slightest appearance of even a distorted L, while the
upper and lower parts of the right hand portion of an R
are both visible.

I have deferred remarking on the final F of the
legends reading TASCIIOVANI F, TASC. F., etc., which
has been spoken of in the prior part of these observations,

LEGENDS OF THE SOUTHERN BELG^E OF BRITAIN. Ill

as I wished not to do so till I could find somewhat more
development of it in Mr. Wigan's and Mr. Neville' s types
just examined. In these we have it dilated to FIR; and as
Cunobeline was king of a great portion of the British
Belgse, who from very numerous authorities appear to have
been called also Firbolgi, that is in the ancient British
language, " Men of the Belgic race," I have no hesitation
in submitting that FIR, the correct reading, stands for
that word. Accordingly I give the full legends of the
coins of those two gentlemen, thus : CVNOBE(LINI)
TASC(IIOVANI) FIR(BOLG) : the last word as a generic
name, being considered to be used undeclined. The
English will be, the genitive case being used : " (The
Money) of Cunobeline the Ruler of the Belgse." As to
the word Tascio, it occurs in its varieties on the various
coins of two other British kings ; and in regard to the
word Firbolg, it is found, as it might be expected, on the
coins of the Southern Belgae of Britain, though, as in the
case of its appearance on many of the types of Cunobeline,
only the initial letter appears.

The titular appellation, TASCIO, as far as I can ascer-
tain, is not found on the coins of the above-mentioned
Southern Belgse, though in composition, according to
Caesar, in his " Gaulish Wars," lib. v., c. 22, it formed the
designation of Taximagulus, one of their warrior chiefs who
opposed him. Taximagulus, i. e. Tascio Magol or great
chief, is a titular name constructed on the same principles
as several which the inquirer into ancient British affairs
will not fail to meet with. Such as the Canmore of
Fordun's Chronicle, the Maglocune of Gildas, and some
others.

The reading F(IRBOLG) on Southern Belgic coins, of
which mention has been before made, has this peculiarity,

112 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

that it is invariably accompanied by some part of the
word COMMIOS. I must confess to my formerly misap-
prehending this word to some considerable extent. I at
first thought it was the proper name of an individual ; in
fact, of that Commius who is mentioned by Caesar in his
" Gaulish Wars/' in the years 55 and 54 B.C., but now I
am sufficiently convinced to the contrary that the idea
was delusive; since not only does this word occur on the
coins of G alii a Narbonensis (see Lelewel's " Type Gaulois,"
and other authorities) where the Commius of Caesar could
have had no sway, but it is found also on the moneys of the
British Vericus, dating apparently about the year 40 A.D.,
and thus giving an interval of nearly a century from the
individual in question.

These are reasons that the Commius of Caesar was not
meant in our present case; and there are also other
considerations which it might be somewhat too long to
introduce here, that no personal name at all was in-
tended on the said coins, but rather a well known desig-
nation of a community or body politic then in existence
among the Britons. I understand it to imply, that the
southern Belgic states of Britain, which comprised the
present Dorsetshire, Wiltshire, Hampshire, Berkshire,
Surrey, Sussex, and Kent, formed at that time a con-
federacy, to which the name Commios, not very dissimilar
to the Welsh words Cwmmwd and Cymmwd, of somewhat
cognate signification, now in use, was applied. I need
scarcely to remind the reader of the inscriptions KOINOS
and COM(MVNITAS) on the Greek and Roman provincial
series. Eckhel, in his Doctrina Numorum, vol. vi. p. 133,
remarks on one of the types which come under this
category, " lidem ergo hi Asiani sunt, qui se in numo
COM(MVNITATEM) ASIAE vocant," which explains to

LEGENDS OF THE SOUTHERN BELG.E OF BRITAIN. 113

us how, in his idea, we should understand those terms.
But the designation COMMIOS had still a wider extent, a
second meaning, in which it was also indifferently used as
well as in the first. It appears clearly from Caesar's nar-
rative, compared with the legends on the coins, that there
was a philological peculiarity connected with this term, of
which parallel instances might be cited in several lan-
guages if necessary. That peculiarity consists in the office
and the officer, the government and the governor, the
department and the holder of it, heing expressed, as we
have it here, by one and the same word.

The term COMMIOS, agreeably to this we collect,
implied at once a confederacy, and the chief at the head of
it. Thus we have in Caesar the mention of the COMMIVS
or head of a confederacy in Gaul : and thus Henry of
Huntingdon, in his annals of the year 577, in the account
of the combination of several leaders of the Britons against
the Saxons, records one of the British princes by the
designation of Commagil, i. e. the " Chief of the Con-
federacy," an appellation which is a species of counterpart
to Taximagulus before mentioned (i. e. Tascio magol). We
seem to have the above historical mention thus, while we
have COMMI(OS) F(IRBOLG) on the Southern Belgic
coins of Britain, which is to be interpreted in the other
sense of the term, as the " Confederacy of the Belgae."

I have thus noticed some of the most characteristic
types of Cunobeline, those distinguished by Latinized
Celtic legends, and also collaterally some types of the
Southern Belgse, which are most relative to them. I do
not anticipate that these explanations, which have now
stood the test of some years, will be overthrown by any
genuine types which may be discovered, but rather con-
firmed. It would seem always to be the safest in dubious

VOL. XVIII. Q

Hi NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

interpretations, to suppose a nationality in the coins of
each and every state and people ; in illustration of which,
the case of M. Johanneau may be referred to, a French
numismatist, who some fifteen years past wished to show,
that the legend INDVTILLII on a Gaulish coin was wholly
Latin, and should read INDVTILLI F(ILIVS), but, we are
informed, types were discovered with the reading in the
genuine Celtic idiom in full INDVTILLIL (see Lelewel's
Type Gaulois, p. 247), which sufficiently proved his error.
Thus, in considering our ancient British types, we should
not overlook the distinctive nationalty which may be
reasonably expected to be found in them. This inquirers
were bounden to do in the first instance ; still more so
are they in the present stage of the investigation, when it
is ascertained that Latin enters no further into their
legends than controlling their inflections.

I now conclude ; and I hope my above observations will
not be considered superfluous, as some parts of the early
history of our country are very closely connected with the
subject. I likewise trust, that Mr. Evans, for whose talents
and attainments I have all due respect, will feel no dis-
satisfaction at my differing from him in opinion, especially
as from this sifting of the matter, truth may more clearly
be elicited.

BE ALE POSTE.
BYDEWS PLACE,
NEAR MAIDSTOME.

115

UNPUBLISHED COINS.
1. EDWARD VI. 2. VESPASIAN.

[Read before the Numismatic Society, November 29, 1855.]

By permission of Mr. Edward Wigan, I exhibit a very
remarkable piece of Edward VI., which recently came
into his possession. It is of gold, 1 -£$ inch diameter, and
weighs 108 grains full.

Obv. — The bare-headed bust of the king, as on No. 12, in
Plate VII. of Kuding, but the legend is SOVTVM
F1DEI PROTEGET EVM. Mint mark, a cin-
quefoil.

Rev.-l5±7. ANNO DE CIMO ETAT IS EIVS, in four
lines across the field ; the date forming the first line,
the others containing the inscription, oddly divided
in the second and third words, as indicated by the
spaces. The cinquefoil is repeated above and below
the inscription, and also between the words.

The condition is very good, but not perfect.

It is obvious that this curious piece is of the same cha-
racter as that engraved in Ruding, Plate VII., No. 14,
which has on the obverse, a leafed rose and on the
reverse, the inscription INSIGNIA POTENTISSIMI REGIS
ANGLIE. 1547. The latter was in the Pembroke Cabinet,
and at the dispersion of that collection in 1848, it was
purchased by Mr. Rashleigh. In weight, however, it does
not correspond with the piece now before us, beiug only

116 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

71 £ grains, while this is 108. Mr. Rashleigh's specimen
is believed to be unique in gold ; but the British Museum
possesses an impression in silver in perfect preservation.
The piece which I now exhibit is new, and unique.

On carefully examining its reverse, it appears to me that
the inscription has not been struck from a die ; but that
after the obverse had been struck, it has been introduced,
letter by letter, by separate punches, the obverse being
placed upon lead or putty, so as to prevent its being
defaced by the operation of impressing the reverse. The
indentations of the punch are, in many instances, very
visible round the letters and figures ; the whole surface in
the lines of letters is depressed, while in the intervals it is
raised ; and corresponding elevations and depressions are
to be traced on the obverse. I have not had an oppor-
tunity of examining Mr. Rashleigh's piece, in order to
ascertain whether the same appearances exist upon it ; but
on the silver specimen in the Museum, the inscription
seems certainly to have been produced in a similar
manner ; and thus, if the reverses were really executed in
every case pro re natd, the extreme rarity of these pieces
is at once accounted for.

The question then arises, were these pieces intended as
patterns for a coin, or as jettons ? My opinion is, that
they are both jettons.

In the British Museum are seven different gold pattern-
pieces for a half-sovereign of Edward VI. One has the
crowned bust ; the rest have the head bare. The reverses
vary both in device and legend. The device is, in some
instances, the royal arms ; in others, the leafed rose. The
legend is sometimes SCUTUM, etc, as in the piece now
exhibited ; sometimes the king's titles repeated, or placed
on this side instead of the obverse ; and in one rare piece

UNPUBLISHED COINS. 117

(Huding, pl.vii. No. 11) it is LUCERNA PEDIBUS MEIS
VERBUM TUUM. The piece with the crowned bust bears
the date 1548. One of the Museum specimens appears to
be from the same obverse die as Mr. Wigan's, though this
cannot be determined with certainty, in consequence of
both pieces being slightly double-struck ; and the reverse
of that Museum specimen (the leafed-rose type) is from
the same die as the Museum silver piece with the inscrip-
tion INSIGNIA, etc. The weights of the seven pieces are
respectively 117, 79.7, 77.9, 77.9, 77.1, 46.4, and 44.6
grains. Mr. Wigan's is 108 grains, and Mr. Rashleigh's,
71.5. The weight of the half-sovereign of Edward's first
year is 96 grains, and of that of 1550, 84| grains; so that
not one of these pieces corresponds accurately in weight
with the circulating coin of the period. It is not, however,
the divergency from the true weight, nor the exceptional
type of the reverse, which in my mind prevents Mr. Wigan's
coin from being considered a pattern, so much as the fact
that it does not bear the king's name and titles, which
appear either on the obverse or reverse of all the others,
with the single exception of the piece of the same family
with the inscription INSIGNIA, etc.

These two pieces have by some been thought to be
jettons, distributed on the day of the king's coronation.
I cannot, however, concur in that opinion. The date on
both of them is 1547. The coronation of Edward VI.
took place on the 20th of February, in the year 1547, ac-
cording to our present mode of computation ; but at that
time the ecclesiastical mode of reckoning prevailed, and all
that part of 1547 prior to the 25th of March was con-
sidered as belonging to 1546. The coronation medal
accordingly bears the date of February 20, 1546, not
1547 ; and the pieces in question must therefore have

118 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

been struck subsequently. But whether pattern, medal,
or jetton, it is of much interest and curiosity, as being
unique and hitherto unknown.

Another coin which I also exhibit, is a very remarkable
denarius of Vespasian.

The Roman imperial series has been so thoroughly
investigated, especially in its earlier period, and by so
many writers during the last three centuries, each of
whom has probably had access to collections unknown to,
or unseen by the others, that it is but rarely in the present
day that any new type is brought to light. The specimen
now produced, possesses the remarkable peculiarity of
being (so far as I can discover) new, both as to obverse
and reverse.

Obv. — The fall length figure of Vespasian in a military habit.
His right arm is extended ; in his left, from which
hangs a mantle, he holds a lance, with the point
downwards. VESPASIA NVS across the field on
each side the figure, as divided by the space.

Rev. — A full-faced and radiated head of the sun, as on the
coins of the Mussidia family. No legend.

This coin, which is of fine work and in fine condition,
was procured by me in 1854, at the sale of the collection
of Mr. Becker at Amsterdam, lot 1203. I am unable to
offer any satisfactory explanation of the type of the re-
verse. I cannot trace any connection between Vespasian
and the Mussidia family ; and I would only offer a con-
jecture, founded on the type and style of work of the
reverse, that the coin may have been minted at Rhodes.
The proportions of the erect figure of the emperor on the
obverse are more just, and the head less exaggerated than

1. UNPUBLISHED DF_NAR!VS OF VESPASIAN.

2. UNPUBLISHED COLD J ETTON? OF EDWARD VI.

MISCELLANEA. 119

is generally the case in representations of the human
figure on Roman coins of Latin origin. We know that
numerous denarii of Vespasian were struck at, and bear
the monogram of, Ephesus ; and there seems no improba-
bility in the supposition that coins of the same description
may have been issued at other places besides Rome, es-
pecially at places which were the scenes of events deserving,
according to Roman custom, medallic commemoration..

Vespasian was proclaimed emperor at Alexandria, and
it is recorded that on his way to Rome to assume the
imperial power, he visited Rhodes and several cities of
Asia Minor. In the course of his reign also, he subjected
Rhodes and other places which till then had been either
considered as free states, or goverened by kings, to a Roman
governor. The coin in question may have been struck at
Rhodes to commemorate one or other of these events.

I ought perhaps to add, that both the coins which I
have described, were procured through Mr. Webster.

J. B. BERGNE.

MISCELLANEA.

MISCELLANEOUS RECTIFICATIONS.

I. — In the " Numismatic Journal," i. p.41, several unpublished coins
are quoted from the " Museum Munterianum," one or two of which seem
to me to have been incorrectly classed or described.

The coin of Locri Bruttiorum, " Head of Apollo; Rev. Pegasus; below,
A"; must be transferred to Syracuse. I have a specimen, on which
EYPAKO2IQN occurs before the head; and another, similar, which, instead
of A, has a monogram composed of HP. Colonel Leake describes, at p. 75
of his " Numismata Hellenica," division Insular Greece, similar coins, with
AF and A. I should hardly have thought it worth while to make this
correction, had not the erroneous attribution passed into Mr. Borrell's
"Numismatist," part i., p. 46; and, as it may thence be copied by others,
it is advisable to record the correction.

II. — The coin classed to Tegea, from the same cabinet (" Numismatic
Journal," p. 43), is evidently of Epidaurus. This type has passed through
various attributions. Caronni (" Mus. Hedewar. i. p. 277, No. 6012), classed
it to Damascus. Sestini (" Lettre di Continuazione," iii. p.43), after
remarking upon this attribution, and stating, that San-Clemente had
classed another specimen among the coins of Alexandria, proposed to
class it to Cyparissus or Cyparisus, which he conjectured to be a Cretan

120 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

town, unnoticed in history; unless, perhaps, the correction of the Cylissua
of Pliny into Cyparissus might be allowal^e. In his " Castigationes," p. 6,
he restores the coin to Epidaurus; and this classih'cation is finally shown to
be correct by Lajard, in his " Memoir on the Cypress" (" Mem. de 1'Acad.
des Descriptions," New Series, vol. xx. p. 195). Lajard indicates, indeed,
another classification to which this unhappy type has been subjected ; as he
says, that Panofka wished to attribute to Cyparissia, in Messenia, or to
Gratia, in Bithynia. a specimen in the Danish Museum. This, by-the-bye,
is the Bondacca specimen, which has been engraved by Sestini (" Descriptio
Numorum Veterum," tab. xiii. 2). I see, on reference to this work, that
Sestini then conjectured Halicarnassus as a possible attribution.

Thus this com has wandered, vainly seeking for rest, from Cyparissia
Messenise to Tegea Arcadiae, thence to the unknown Cyparisus Cretae,
from whence to Gratia Bithynise, then, passing through Halicarnassus Cariue
and Damascus, it reached Alexandria, whence it has, at last, safely arrived at
Epidaurus, its proper classification. I have subjected its journeys here to
geographical, not chronological, arrangement, as may be seen.

III. — I can only express a doubt as to the date, (?)PEK, 125, read on the
coin of Antiochus, No. 30, p. 45. Such a mixture of the numerals is I be-
lieve unexampled ; EKP or PKE would be correct. Hayne (i. p. 31.) en-
graves a coin with similar types, but serrated. If this coin is so, it must be
later than Antiochus III. probably.

IV. — It may be, perhaps, worth mentioning, that Sestini has engraved and
described the curious and rare coin of Antioch, No. 33, p. 45. See his
" Lettere," ix. p. 105, tab. v. 26,

V. — I think the coin of JEH& Capitolina with CO AILI should be read
as bearing COS III, and classed to Cyrenaica. See the memoir of Duche-
lais, " Rev. Numismatique,," 1851, PI. No.

VI. — The curious little coin of the family Cosconia, described by
Mr. Webster in the " Numismatic Chronicle," vol. p. , representing
Hercules capturing the hind of Diana, gives a clue to the attribution of the
coin bearing the types of Hercules and Geryon, engraved and described by
M. de Witte, "Revue Numismatique," voL ix. p. 342, plate viii. lOa.
M. de Witte remarks, that this little coin is of oriental fabric, and that two
specimens only are known. Mionnet has, however, described it among the
uncertain coins, affixing to it, whether correctly or not I cannot say, a low
degree of rarity. The plate shows traces of letters on the engraved spe-
cimen, and there can be little doubt that we should read L.COS, as the coin
described by Mr. Webster. We may thus expect to find a series of the
labours of Hercules represented on these coins, as on those of Postumus.
probably provincial, not Roman, and M. de Witte recognised an Oriental,
that is, an Asiatic or Syrian (?) fabric on the coin of Hercules and
Geryon.

I may take advantage of this reference to the memoir of M. de Witte to
remark, that at p. 247, note 2, he says, " On pretend qu'on trouve bcaucoup
de medailles de Postume en Angleterre. Ce fait aurnit besoin d'etre
v^rifie. Without referring to any other books relative to the antiquities of
Britain, the following references to the " Numismatic Chronicle" will suffi-
ciently verify this fact:— Vols. L 260 ; ii. 119;
vii. 43, 192, 193.

VII. — I have referred to the coin of Gcrmanus when speaking of the
" Rechercb.es" of M. de Lorich's, and I may take this opportunity of stating,
that M. Tolken (" Proceedings of the Numismatic Society of Berlin," part
i. p. 8) preferred to read upon it GERMAN VS INDVTIomari FIL., a read-
ing for which there is a considerable show of plausibility.

W. II. S.

121

XI.

ON SOME FOREIGN OR COUNTERFEIT STERLINGS.
[Bead before the Numismatic Society, May 24, 1855.]

MR. SAINTHILL has sent to me for exhibition to the Society
a parcel of the coins called " Counterfeit Sterlings," thirty-
two in number. Twenty-five of them were purchased
some years ago from a bullion dealer in Cork, who had
bought them from a countryman. Mr. Samthill con-
sidered the hoard to be curious on account of the variety
of mints from which the coins were issued, and from the
circumstance of there being no intermixture of any other
description of coins. In these respects, as well as in the
list of princes whose names are found on the coins, this
hoard bears a striking resemblance to that discovered in
the neighbourhood of Kirkcudbright, and illustrated by
Mr. Hawkins in a paper published in the Numismatic
Chronicle, Vol. XIII., p. 86 ; so much so, indeed, as to
lead to the supposition, that the two parcels may have
formed portions of one and the same find, though I am
not aware that there is any ground for the supposition
beyond the coincidences which I have mentioned. Mr.
Hawkins, in the paper above referred to, states that he
was not aware of any large number of these coins having
been found in any one hoard, so as to afford a clue to a
conjecture of the places from which they issued, or in
which they circulated j and for that reason he thought it
interesting to give a detailed notice of the hoard discovered

VOL. XVIII. R

122 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

near Kirkcudbright, which consisted of ninety-two coins,
some of which are very rare, anfl had not previously been
noticed.

It may therefore be worth while to place upon record
a description of another find (if it be another) of the
same kind. I am unable to distinguish the few specimens
obtained by Mr. Sainthill elsewhere from those which he
procured on the occasion in question, and which form
the bulk of the whole parcel exhibited.

GUIDO II., BISHOP OP CAMBRAY.

Obv.— GUTDO EPISCOPUS. Full-faced bust, with a wreath
of roses round the head ; M : M : a cross.

Rev.— CAMERACENS1S. Cross, witn three pellets in each
angle.

Guy II. was bishop of Cambray from 1296 to 1306. Of
this coin there were four specimens all exactly alike.
Snelling gives a coin (No. 30 in his Plate) of Bishop
William, the predecessor of Guy, but not of the latter.

JOHN II., COUNT OP HAINAULT.

Obv.— I. COMES HANONIE.— Full-faced bust, with roses,
and M : M : as on the preceding.

Rev.— VALENCHENENS. Cross and pellets.

(Snelling, No. 4).

These coins were struck at Valenciennes.

John II. was Count of Hainault from 1280 to 1304.
He became Count of Holland in 1299, on the death of
John, the last heir of a collateral branch descended from
a common ancestor, and who married a daughter of our
king Edward I., an alliance which may perhaps have con-
tributed to the adoption of the English type on these
coins.

There were five specimens in the hoard under consider-

ON SOME FOREIGN OR COUNTERFEIT STERLINGS. 123

ation ; two of the type described above, the other three
differing only in the spelling of the word Hanonie, which
in them is Havonie.

ARNOLD, COUNT OF Loos.

Obv.— COMES ARNOLDUS. Full-faced bust, bare-headed;
M : M : a cross.

Rev.— MONETA COMITIS. Cross and pellets.

(Snelling,No.l6.)

Arnold VI. or VIII,1 was Count of Loos from 1280 to
1323, and with him the known coinage of Loos com-
mences. The place of mintage is not specified upon this
coin, but it was probably Hasselt, where he struck silver
coins of a larger size and superior fabric, one of which is
figured in Lelewel, PI. xx., No. 52.

GUIDO, COUNT OF FLANDERS AND MARQUIS OF NAMUR.

Obv.— G. COMES FLANDIE. Full-faced bust, with a wreath
of roses round the head ; M : M : a cross.

Rev.— SIGNUM CKUCIS. Cross and pellets.

Not in Snelling, who states that he was not aware of
any coin of this prince with the head.

Obv.— MARCHIO NAMURC. Full-faced bust, bare-headed,
a small cross on each side of the neck ; M : M : a
cross.

Rev.—G. COMES FLADRE. Cross and pellets.

(Snelling, No. 9).

Of this there are two specimens, one as above, the other
has on the reverse three pellets, as usual, in three of the

1 Lelewel, in the Chronological List in the Atlas to his Numis-
matique du Moyen Age, calls him Arnold VI. M. Perreau, in a
paper in the Revue Numismatique Beige, vol. ii. p. 108, styles him
Arnold VIII. The latter numeration is adopted by Mr. Hawkins.

124 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

angles, and a star of five points in the fourth, in this
respect differing from those already published.

Guido was Count of Flanders from 1280 to 1305. He
was also, from 1263 to 1297, marquis of Namur. He was
a relative of John II., count of Hainault, the prince whose
coins have been mentioned in an earlier part of this
paper.

ROBERT III., COUNT OF FLANDERS.

Obv.— R. COMES FLANDRIE. Full-faced bust crowned,
very like the coins of Edward I. M : M : a cross.

Rev.— MONETA ALOTEN. Cross and pellets.

(Snelling, No. 12).

Obv.— ROB: COMES FLAND. Profile bust to the left,
crowned, like that on the coins of John Baliol and
Robert Bruce, kings of Scotland, except that there
is no sceptre.

Rev.— MONETA ALOSTEN. Cross and pellets.

(Snelling, No. 14).

The prince by whom both these coins were struck
was Robert III. de Bethune, Count of Flanders, the son
and successor of Guido, who governed from 1305 to 1322.
The imitation of British types, both English and Scottish,
is very striking.

JOHN, DUKE OF LIMBURG AND BRABANT.

Obv.— I. DUX LIMBURGIE. Full-faced bust, with wreath
of roses. M : M : a cross.

Rev.— DUX BRABANTIE. Cross and pellets.

(Snelling, No. 6). Three specimens.

There were three successive dukes of the name of John,
who ruled for nearly a century, that is, from 1261 to
1355. The coins in question are attributed by Mr. Haw-
kins to the second of these princes, who reigned from 1294
to 1312, and whose wife was a daughter of Edward I.

ON SOME FOREIGN OB COUNTERFEIT STERLINGS. 125

JOHN DE LOUVAIN.

Obv.— JOHANNES DE LOVANI. Full-faced bust, with
wreath of roses. M : M : a cross.

Rev.— MONET. H TEL. Cross and pellets.

(SneUing, No. 7).

Obv.— JOHANNES DE LOVANIO. Bust as before.

Kev.—Not very legible, but appears to be DNS. DE HARSTEL.
t Cross and pellets.

(Snelling, No. 8). Two specimens.

It is doubtful by whom these coins were struck. Mr.
Hawkins attributes them, apparently with good reason, to
the same prince, John, duke of Limburg and Brabant,
whose coins were last described. Snelling's attribution is
different. Lelewel, in his list, gives a John of Louvain,
who was lord of Herstal about the year 1306.

HUGH BISHOP.

Obv. — MONETA LEST AT. A full-faced bust, with a wreath
of roses round the head. M : M : a cross.

Jfev.-HUGONIS EPISC. Cross and pellets.

A broken specimen of this coin occurred in the Kirkcud-
bright hoard, but being deficient in the first four letters
of the name of the bishop on the reverse, Mr. Hawkins
was unable to suggest any appropriation for it. I con-
ceive it to belong to Hugh III., bishop of Liege from
1296 to 1301 ; I am indebted to Mr. Pfister for a sugges-
tion that the place of mintage, which I was unable to
identify, is Leuze (Loetium or Letusa).

Up to this point the list of princes whose coins occurred
in both hoards are, with one exception, identical. The
single personage among those hitherto mentioned, of whose
coinage a specimen is found in Mr. Sainthill's parcel and
not in the other, is Robert, count of Flanders. The

126 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Kirkcudbright hoard, on the other hand, contained coins
of William, bishop of Cambray from 1285 to 1296, of
Henry, count of Luxemburg, and of an uncertain Count
Louis, of which no specimens are among Mr. Sainthill's.

I now proceed to notice some others in Mr. Sainthill's
parcel, of which no specimens occurred in the Kirkcud-
bright find.

GUALCHER, COUNT OF PORCIEN.

Ofo.-GALCHS COMES PORC. Full-faced bust, crowned,
as on the corns of Edward I and II. M : M : a

cross.

Tfcv.— MONET. NOVA YVE. Cross and pellets.

(Snelling, No. 25). Two specimens.

Galcher of Chatillon, constable of France, by whom
these pieces were struck, had the chateau of Porcien, on
the river Aisne, near the town of Rethel, given him by
Philip, king of France, in 1308. By his marriage in
1314 with Isabella of Rumigny and Floriens, widow of
Thiebaut, duke of Lorrain, he obtained the town of Neuf-
chatel in Lorrain, and proceeded to coin money there.
Specimens exist of the mintages of Neufchatel, and of
a place called Ive, the precise locality of which is not now
known, but by Mr. Pfister considered to be Ive (Liber-
dunium), a place on the Moselle, near Nancy. The
pieces above described are of the last-mentioned of the
two places.

GUALERAN, LORD OF LlGNY.

Obv.— G. DOMINUS DE LYNI. Full-faced bust, crowned.

M : M : a cross.
Rev.— MONETA SERENE. Cross and pellets. (Snelling,

No. 27, except that the last letter in the obverse

legend is I instead of Y).

There were two Luxemburg barons of the name of
Gualeran, who were successively lords of Ligny, the first

ON SOME FOREIGN OR COUNTERFEIT STERLINGS. 127

from 1280 to 1288. It was by his successor that this
piece was probably struck. The place of mintage is
Serain, a town on the right bank of the Meuse, a short
distance south-west of Liege, a fief of the lordship of
Crevecoeur, which was in the possession of these Gualerans
of Luxemburg.

The remaining pieces I am unable to attribute.

Obv.— EDNSIOHS DE FLAD. Full-faced bust, crowned;
M : M : a cross.

Rev.— MONETA ARLEVS. Cross and pellets.

(Snelling, No. 17).

This coin was struck at Arleux, a small town in France,
not far from Douay, but by what prince or baron it is
difficult to conjecture. It is possible that the letters may
have been intended as a kind of imitation of the legend
on an English penny, for the purpose of facilitating its
currency in this country, as was doubtless the case with
the next piece.

Olv.— + ED WARD ANG. + HE YB. Full-faced bust,
crowned ; M : M : a cross.

Rev.— LOCENBGENSIS. Cross and pellets.

The obverse is something like that of the coins Nos. 1
and 37 in Snelling's plate, though differing considerably
in the legend from both. The reverse is like that of
No. 37, except that the second letter is O instead of V.
The legend and whole appearance of the coin show that
it was intended as an imitation of the English coins of
Edward I. or II., and it may therefore be considered
strictly a " counterfeit sterling." Snelling considers that
these are the pieces called " Lushburgs" in the statute of
treasons of the 25th Edw. III.

128 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Obv.— WILLEMUS DE HOL. The last letter is uncertain,
owing to the coin being imperfectly struck, and
may be N. Full-faced bust, apparently with a
wreath of roses round the head ; but this part is not
well defined ; and the M : M : is not visible.

Rev.— MONETA DE W A (the last letters are uncer-
tain). Cross and pellets.
( Unpublished)

The only attribution that I can suggest for this coin is
William III., Count of Holland, from 1304 to 1337 ; but
I do this very doubtfully, because Lelewel states (Numis-
matique du Moyen Age, vol. ii., p. 283) that when the
Count of Hainault became Count of Holland, in 1299, by
inheritance, the coinage of Holland disappeared for a
considerable period, although it still found imitators, and
was for a time continued on certain small pieces struck in
the adjacent country. The next preceding count of the
name of William governed from 1235 to 1256, a date too
early for the coin under consideration.

Obv.— JOH. DNS. DE OT. Full-faced bust, with

wreath of roses, as before. M : M : a cross.

Rev.— MONETA AGIMOI. The last letter may be T. Cross
and pellets.

(Unpublished).

I cannot suggest any attribution. There was a Jean de
Chalons who was Lord of Gien from 1304 to 1346, but I
do not conceive it can have been struck by him.

Obv.— MONETA CAPITULI. Full-faced bust, and Mint

mark, as on the preceding coin.
Tfo,. — CAMERACENSIS. A cross, three pellets in each of

three of the quarters, a spread eagle in the fourth.
( Unpublished) ,

This coin, which is one of the best struck and preserved
of the whole parcel, appears to have been struck by the

COINS IN THE KING OF DENMARK'S CABINET. 129

Chapter of Cambray during a vacancy of the see. The
similarity of the bust on the obverse to that on many
others of the coins in the parcel proves it to be of the
same period.

There are, in addition, two coins, not in sufficiently
good condition to be decyphered. One is of the type
with a full-faced bust with the wreath of roses : reverse,
cross and pellets ; — the other rather different in character
from any which have been described, the bust being like
that on the English pennies of Richard II., and the re-
verse having, like some of the pennies of that king, an
open quatrefoil in the centre of the cross in the reverse.
Judging from the analogy of English coins, this piece
seems at least fifty years later in type than any of the
rest, and probably was not found in company with the
mass of the others. The only letters which T can make
out are: —

Obv.— OB°A + R (JOIS + VL. And some of these

are doubtful. .

Rev.— CIVI M A star at the end. Cross and

pellets ; an open quatrefoil in the centre.

J. B. BERGNE.

XII.
COINS IN THE KING OF DENMARK'S CABINET.

Cork, 13th January, 1855.

MY DEAR SIR, — My friend, Herr Ludvig Loessoe of
Copenhagen, having very kindly sent me twenty-nine elec-

VOL. XVIII. S

130 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

trotypes of silver sterlings, or pennies, in the Royal
Danish Cabinet, I forward them to you, to submit to the
Numismatic Society, with the reading of their inscrip-
tions; and some remarks and explanations which Mr.
Lindsay has had the kindness to add, constituting the
chief value of the paper.

The most interesting of these coins to an English
collector is No. 6, which adds another specimen to that
type of Aethelraed II.'s coinage — obverse, the Holy
Lamb; reverse, the Holy Dove — of which type we are
now acquainted with three varieties, and for all which,
very singularly, we are indebted to the continent: my
coin having been purchased by me, of Mr. Stokes,
of Boulogne, and which reads —

Obv.—+ AETHELRAED R ____ LORUM.
Rev.— + EALDRED 0 ____ ALDMES.

The coin in the Royal Stockholm Cabinet —

Obv.— + AETHELRAED REX ANGLOR.
HAMTUN.

and now, the coin in the Royal Copenhagen Cabinet —

Obv.— + AETHELRAED REX ANGLORUM.
#«;._ + OSWOLD SNOTIAHAM.

Being the mints of Malmesbury, Southampton, and Not-
tingham.

All these moneyers appear in Hildebrand's extensive
and valuable lists of these three mints.

In Vol. III. of the Numismatic Chronicle, p. 120, Pro-
fessor Thomson, of Copenhagen, refers to a penny of

COINS IN THE KING OF DENMARK.'® CABINET. 131

our Aethelraed II., published by Erlestein, in his Numis-
matische Bruchstikke, 3tes. Heft, No. 3, and adds, " I need
not observe, that the obverse has the King's head and
Agnus Dei ; and that on the reverse is the inscription, not
as Erlestein reads it, but AEDELV1 ON STANFORDA.
In this piece, we have the prototype of the coins of
Harthacnut and Svend of Denmark/'

Hildebrand gives three coins of Aethelraed II., of the
Stamford Mint — Moneyer, Aethelvine — the same name
as abbreviated in Erlestein.

From Professor Thomson's words, I understand, that
the obverse has the King's bust, and the reverse, the
Agnus Dei (both could not be in one field) ; and if so, it is
a different type from that of the three coins we have been
considering, and, of its kind, the only specimen we at
present have heard of.

Believe me to remain, my dear Sir,

Yours truly,

E. SAINTHILL.

J. B. Bergne, Esq., London.

No. 1.— One side of this coin reads OOLAFIp I DIFLFIN ; the
other has the word OOLAF also : the rest I
cannot make out.

This coin probably belongs to Olaf or Anlaf IV., king
of Dublin, A.D. 962—981, the father of Sihtric III. The
coins of this prince are extremely rare, and are the only
ones of the Hiberno-Danish series which with any degree
of certainty can be assigned to an earlier prince than
Sihtric III.

132 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

No. 2. — Bust looking to its right.
Obv.— EADGAR REX ANGLORU.
£eu.— +GARWIG M-O CANTWAR. Small cross in field.

The name of the moneyer does not occur in Ruding,
Hildebrand, or Lindsay.

No. 3. — Bust looking to its right ; sceptre.
Ofo.— + ETHELRED REX ANGLO.
#ev.- + IN NOMINE DNI. M.C.-CRUX.

The letters M.E. seem difficult to explain ; the first may
possibly be intended for the initial of " Monetarius," and
the last for that of the moneyer.

No. 4. — Bust looking to its right ; sceptre.
Obv.— + AETHELRAED REX ANGLOR.
#«,._ + SIBPINE M-O BUCCINGA1— CRUX.

The name of this mint appears on this coin much more
at length than on any other published.

No. 5. — Bust looking to its right, sceptre, with three points.
Obv.— + AETHELRAED REX ANGLORU.
#«, _- >- GODPINE M-O CAENT— CRUX.

This coin exhibits nothing worthy of remark.

No. 6.

Obv. — The Holy Lamb, with the glory around the head, and
a cross over the back Its fore-foot in an oblong
compartment in which there are not any letters +
AETHELRAED REX ANGLORUM.

Rev. — The Holy Dove, with expanded wings. + 0SF0I/:DS
N* • :TlftHftM (Oswold Snotiaham).

The name of this mint does not occur at full length on
any other known coin.

1 Buccingham. — Hildebrand.

COINS IN THE KING OF DENMARK'S CABINET. 133

No. 7.

Obv. — The Holy Lamb, glory, cross, and oblong compartment
without letters, but quite different in type to
No. 6. + .-.NO7TIEDIM0I (Noaicdi Mo}.

Rev. — The Holy Dove with expanded wings. + IV.-. 0 IO 1 0 NI.

This rude coin seems to be an imitation, and the rude
name of the moneyer unpublished.

The prototype of these curious and interesting coins was
probably that struck at Malmesbury, and noticed in the
" Coinage of the Heptarchy/' p. 89, and in the " Olla/'
vol.1., p. 214.

No. 8.

Obv.— Hand of Providence + GiaTdOMea: seems an at-
tempt at the words Alpha et Omega.

Rev.— A small cross in the field 4-LEFPINE ON LNCOL.

An imitation of the coins of Ethelred. Lefwine, or
Leofwine, was one of his money ers.

No. 9.

Obv.— BORN . ON . PIB. NE ; hand of Providence, 25 and CO-

Rev. — HITSANMANDLTN ; short single cross, with a cross
potent and pellet in each angle.

This coin was struck at Wiburg, in Jutland ; the reverse
legend seems unintelligible. On a Hiberno-Danish coin
we find the legend* + IINDLIN OFI DIHN, and the name
"Andlin" may be that of a Danish prince.

No. 10.

Obv.— EDELRED . REX . 25 ; head with crowned helmet.

Rev. — DLEN0MDIHIO; long double cross, Irish type.
This coin is probably an Irish imitation.

No. 11.

Obv.— ^EDELRED . REX . A ; head as No. 10.

Rev. — ZDIMPONIDIEH0L ; long double cross with square
with ends terminating in centre.

This coin is an Irish imitation.

134 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

No. 12. — Bust looking to its right, crowned.

Obv.— + CNUT REX ANGLORU.

Rev. — Open Cross, tressured in the quarters.
+ FERENN. MO. DIF.

Coins bearing the name of Cnut, and struck at Dublin,
are of extreme rarity, particularly where the legends are
regular.

No. 13. — Bust looking to its right, crowned.

Obv.— CNUT REX ANGLO.

Rev.— Long open Cross. + EDSIGE ON EAX.

Nothing appears on this coin worthy of remark.
No. 14. — Bust looking to its right.

Obv.— CNUT REX A.

Rev. — Four C's, forming a kind of square, each linked, by two
threads, to its neighbour. -f-ALFNOTH IN LUID.

This coin is Danish.
No. 15. — Bust looking to its right ; helmet and sceptre.

Obv.— + CNUT EX ANGL.

Rev. — A short open cross ; in each quarter, "0" .

+ LEOCSIGE MO NIPOR.

This coin seems Danish.
No. 16. — Bust crowned, looking to its right, in a quatrefoil.

Obv.— + CNUT REX AHFLRORV (Angloru).

Rev. — Long open cross, tressured, + GODPINE M. NOD.

On the obverse, the word "Angloru" is blundered.
On the reverse, the word NOD is intended for NORD. In
Hildebrand, No. 1080, we find GODPINE MO NOR, and
No. 1100, XVMERLDA— NOD.

No. 17. — Bust with sceptre, helmeted, looking to its right.
Obv.— + CNUT RECIA.
Rev,— +EODINDRNCNFI.

Type as Ruding, PI. 23, Nos. 19, 20,
This coin is probably an imitation.

COINS IN THE KING OF DENMARK'S CABINET. 135

No. 18.— Bust as No. 17.

Obv.+ CNU EXANGL.

Rev.— ODAONDNCENITI.

Type as last ; probably an imitation.
No. 19.— Bust as No. 17.

Obv.— + EVI N EX ANLF.

Rev. h ODAOND : : : CENITflEN. (The letter in italic

uncertain.)

As the last, and probably imitated from the same original.

No. 20. — Bust looking to its right; crowned, and within a
quatrefoil.

Obv.— CNUT REX ANGLOR.

Rev. — IRELPNELNMO. Long double cross, inner circle
tressured.

Legend unintelligible; probably imitated from some
regular coin.

No. 21. — Bust; a barbarous attempt at the type of No. 20.
Obv.— + CNUT F RIX ANELOR.

Rev. h ONLAF MO LAIIEL (long open cross tressured).

This mint is uncertain. The moneyer unpublished.

No. 22. — Bust, as No. 20.

Obv.— + CNUT REX ANGLO.

Kev.—+ LIF1NC ON R ETM. Quatrefoil on long double
cross.

This mint is uncertain.

No. 23. — Bust, a barbarous attempt to copy No. 20.
Obv.— + CNUT REX ANGLOR.

Rev. h NUEL ON CANIL. (The letter in italic uncertain.)

Long double cross.

This coin is evidently an imitation. The moneyer's
name is unpublished.

No. 24.— Bust similar to No. 20,

Obv.— + IMTR7N + DIFILNNO.

Rev.— 7NERIM ON LMAE. (The letters in italic uncertain.)

136 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

A curious instance of imitation. The obverse bearing
the name of an Irish mint ; the reverse, apparently that
of an English.

No. 25. — A most barbarous bust, looking to its right, with appa-
rently a shield on the left arm, as on the coins of
Harold I. and Harthacnut.

Ofo.— O^EDMOXXEO^EEII.

fiev. (. LNUTI EXANCL. Long double cross, with an

annulet in two quarters, and a cross in the others.

A rude and probably Danish imitation. The reverse
legend is an attempt at the words " Cnut Rex An-
glorum."

No. 26.— Obv.— + INNOMIINE . DEI . PATRI. Rude head.

Irish type with sceptre.
Jfet;.— + EDFARRVMFRAD7VY:EDVI. Triquetra.

It is difficult to offer any conjecture as to what the
reverse legend of this coin was intended for.

So. 27. — Bust looking to its right, with sceptre.

Obv. hEDPRD . PEI( Confessor, the word REX, unfinished).

Rev.— BRININ ON DRI. In the quarters PAC + .

The moneyer's name on this coin is probably the same
as " Brihinc" given by Ruding, and " Bryninc" by Hildc-
brand.

No. 28. h IN NOMINE DNI-M.E. Short double cross with

ERV -f in the angles.

+ HOMS 3NOWLH3JS, or, if read from the outer
edge—

+ SEEHT MONE SBOH. Sceat Mone Sbon; per-
haps SCEAT.MONE.SROB. Small cross in a
circle.

It is extremely difficult to offer any interpretation of the
legends of this coin ; it is probably Danish, and the letters
M.E. may possibly be intended for "Magnus Cununc." The
names of the moneyer and mint are uncertain ; but may

COINS, CHIEFLY GREEK, FROM THE EAST. 137

possibly be copied from an English coin of Ethelred.

struck at Shrewsbury.

No. 29. — Sovereign sitting on his throne.
Obv.— + EADPARD REX ANGLOR.
Eev. — + AELFRIC ON EXEC. Birds in the four quarters,
This coin exhibits nothing remarkable, the types> mint,

and moneyer being all known.

Many of the letters on the coins above described are so barbarous,
that the resources of the printer can give only an approximate repre-
sentation of them.

XIII.

ON SOME COINS, CHIEFLY GREEK, WHICH HAVE
BEEN LATELY BROUGHT FROM THE EAST.

I HAVE the pleasure of laying before the Numismatic So-
ciety a small collection of coins, which have been acquired
chiefly through the instrumentality of our distinguished
Orientalist, Colonel Sir Henry Rawlinson, K.C.B.

I accompany them with some others, procured by Mr.
Olguin, when serving in Turkey with the Commission for
settling the boundaries of Turkey and Persia, and with
two or three taken from the collection of the British
Museum, in illustration of the new ones.

The first coin I shall describe is a very rare gold drachma
of SELEUCUS I. NICATOR, B. c. 312—282, which has been
lately procured by Captain Jones, H.E.I. C.N. It is not
unique, as specimens exist, similar to this one, in the
Cabinet des Medailles at Paris, and in the collection of
Major-General Fox. It is, however, a very fine and per-
fect specimen.

It may be described as follows : —

Obv. — Head of Minerva helmeted to right. On the helmet,
a snake.

VOL. XVIII. T

138 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Rev. — SEAEYK°Y. — Victory walking to the left, with
wreath in right hand, and sail-yard in left.

In the field to right 0, and Mon.
AT.— Size, 3$. Wt. 130.7.— Fig. 1.

With this, I exhibit, also, a coin procured by the
British Museum, some years since, at the sale of the Duke
of Devonshire, which is very curious and unique. It is
right to add, that some doubt has been expressed as to its
genuineness by competent judges.

It may be described as follows : —

Obv.— Head of Seleucus to right, wearing a diadem; from
above the ear, projects a horn of curious shape.

Rev.— BASIAEOS SEAEYKoY.— Horse's head and neck to
right. In the mouth, bit, and over neck, reins.

In the field to right, above, Mon. fcjrj ; below,

yV.— Size, 4 j ; Weight, 132. Fig. 2.

Two other coins, in copper, were at the same time pro-
cured from Captain Jones, which I have not, however,
thought it necessary to engrave. The first exhibits on the
obverse, the heads of the Dioscuri to left; and on the
reverse, a dolphin, with the remains of the usual inscrip-
tion, BASIAEilS ZEAEYKoY. Its size is 3. The second,
is a head of Hercules to right, and on the reverse, a bull
butting to right, with the same inscription. Size, 1£.

The next coin, is one procured in the neighbourhood of
Hamad&n, by Mr. Olguin. I have ventured to call it one of

APODACUS KINO OF CHARACENE.

Obv. — Head of the king to right ; round the head, a broad
fillet : no heard, and neck hnre.

COINS, CHIEFLY GREEK, FROM THE EAST. 139

Rev.-— BASIAEiiS AIIOAAKOY. Hercules, naked, seated to
left. In extended right hand, club; left hand
resting on seat ; under seat TS i.e., 203 of the
Seleucidan ^Era— B. C. 109. In field to left,

Monogram /\j
&. — Size, 82 ; Weight, 241.7 grains. Fig. 3.

There can be no doubt, that Apodacus must have been
contemporary with Antiochus IX. Philopator ; and there is
good reason for supposing, that he ruled over the province
of Characene, which was at the mouths of the Tigris and
Euphrates. The history of Charax is well-known. It was
founded by Alexander III. near the head of the Persian
gulf, where the Eulaeus (now the Kartin) approaches very
near to the Tigris. We are told that the place was con-
stantly destroyed by the invasion of the great rivers near
which it was placed; and, that it was, in consequence,
rebuilt about 120 years after its first foundation, by
Antiochus III. ; and a third time by an Arabian chief
named Spasines, or Hyspasines, son of Sogdonacus,
whence it obtained its name of Charax-Spasinou. Lucian,
in his dialogue, entitled " Macrobii," § 16, mentions
this Hyspasines and several other rulers of this district
The advance of the mud from the rivers was so
great, that Pliny states, on the authority of Juba II.,
King of Mauritania, that in his time the town was nearly
fifty miles from its original position on the sea (Pliny,
Hist. Nat. vi.27).

The next coins I describe are two of KAMNASCIRES and
ANZAZE, which may be thus described : —

Obv. — Busts of the king and and queen to left. The head of
the former covered with a diademed turban, and
wearing a long peaked beard ; on breast, a
decorated garment, which fits close up to his chin.

Behind head,

140 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Rev.— BAClAEiiC KAMNACKIPI KNIAIIAI.

Zeus Nicephorus seated to left, with Victory
presenting a crown to him. His left rests on
a spear.
J3.— Size, 8 ; Weight, 229.3 grains.

KAMNASCIRES AND ANZAZE.

Obv. — Busts of the king and queen to the left ; the head of the
former covered with a diademed turban, and
wearing a long peaked beard; on breast, a
decorated garment, which fits close up to his chin ;

behind head,

Rev.— BAClAGflC KAMNACKIPO[Y] KAI BACIAIC-
CHC ANZAZHE. Zeus Nicephorus seated to
left, with Victory presenting a crown to him.
His left rests on a spear.
Ai.— Size 7J ; Weight, 230.5 grains. Fig. 4.

Both these coins were procured by Mr. Olguin, during
his residence on the borders of Turkey and Persia. They
have been noticed by Col. Leake in his recent work " Nu-
mismata Hellenica"; but he has read the name wrongly,
Kapnaskires. It is clearly Kamnaskires. Lucian, in his
dialogue " Macrobii," has the words KCU Mvatrictpr)*; 8t-
/8a<7t\ei>s Ilapdvaiwv e£ Kal evevrjKovra efytrev err), etc. It
is almost certain, that the two words, teal Mvaa-Kipi)^, have
been corrupted into Kamnaskires, especially as the particle
Kal is superfluous in the sense. The type must be taken
in consideration with that in the next coin, which I shall
describe. Behind the head will be noticed a curious
symbol, which is either a trident or the Indian trisula — the
emblem of Siva. This may be seen on several other
copper coins bearing a head-dress and bust greatly resem-
bling the above, and in all probability representing the
same personage. Of three large ones in the collection

COINS, CHIEFLY GREEK, FROM THE EAST. 141

of the British Museum one has $ J) and fT\ behind the

T U'
bust (Fig. 5); two others have <> and m behind. Of these,

the first and second were procured by J. R. Steuart, Esq.,
and probably from Mesopotamia. The third, with the
second monogram, was in the collection of the Duke
of Devonshire ; its earlier origin cannot now be
discovered. Of these, the first exhibits a sort of tree,
within a wreath of what may perhaps be olive leaves. The
others have blundered legends, evidently intended to
represent Greek letters, but so arranged or confused that
no intelligible words can be formed from them. The same

\N JlL

head, with the same monogram, 4- J) n\ occurs on several

small copper coins, which bear also on their reverses
legends consisting apparently of blundered Greek inscrip-
tions. Of these, the Museum possesses five specimens,
one from Mr. Payne Knight's bequest, the origin of which
is not known, two procured from Mr. Steuart, and
three lately found at Susa by Mr. Loftus. Besides these,
are two other small copper coins, also procured by Mr.

V\ y

Steuart, on which the same monogram * J/ m occurs,

but with a full-faced head, wearing a long beard. The legend
on these is equally undeciphered, perhaps undecipherable —
the type a rude representation of Diana as a huntress.

Colonel Leake has expressed an opinion (see Num. Hell,
p. 66) that these coins bear a great resemblance to the
early coins of the Greek dynasty of Bactriana, which ter-
minated with Heliocles, about B.C. 127, and from this he
infers, that Kapnascires (Kamnascires) was a Scythian

142 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

prince, who became possessed, about that time, of the
western part of Bactriana, and who shaped his barbarous
name to a Greek form. We fail, however, to perceive any
sufficient ground for this hypothesis. We have no evi-
dence of any Scythian invasion of that part of Asia till
a much later period ; nor do we discover anything in the
form of the name, which suggests a Scythian or Turanian
origin.

In the " Memoires de la Societe d'Archeologie de St.
Petersbourg, vol. vi., p. 173," is a notice of the only other
specimen of this coin, with which we are acquainted. It
occurs in a letter addressed to the editor from Tiflis, by
M. de Bartholomsei, who states that he procured it from
Persia. M. de Bartholomsei considers that the fabric ex-
hibits a great similarity to those of the Seleucidan princes,
and especially to that of Antiochus IV. Epiphanes (B.C.
176 — 164). The monogram of this coin appears to be
different from that of the specimen in the Museum. It
may be remarked, that the circle of dots which surrounds
this coin on each side, is only found on a tetradrachm of
Autiochus IV., the first who took the title of Nicephorus.
From this fact, M. de Bartholomaei draws the conclusion
that Kamnascires must have lived about the same time,
not improbably during a period of confusion which arose
in the Syrian kingdom on the death of that monarch.
He is also of opinion, that the great likeness which exists
between this tetradrachm and that of the ancient coins of
Tarsus, in Cilicia, affords strong reason for supposing that
Kamnascires must have been an ephemeral ruler in this
locality. The name he derives from one of Persian form
and original, Kaiminotchehr, the latter portion of which is
of frequent occurrence upon the coins of the Sassanian
dynasty, and has been fully explained many years since

COINS, CHIEFLY GREEK, FROM THE EAST. 143

by Silvestre de Sacy (" Memoires sur diverges Antiquites
de la Perse, p. 248.")

We are inclined to think, that, on the whole, the evi-
dence of the discovery of these and similar coins, is
strongly in favour of their having belonged to the ruler
of some part of the provinces of Southern Babylonia or
Susiana. Yet, we are willing to consider the question
adhuc sub judice, and to think that some future discovery
may not impossibly overthrow these and other speculations,
of which they have been made the subject.

I have termed this coin a barbarous coin of Characene ;
and this is, perhaps, all that can be certainly said about
it. — Its description is as follows : —

Obv. — Head to left, wearing a cap, with a sort of radiated top ;
round this, a fillet ; the hair falls in two regular
masses behind the head ; no beard ; face youthful.

Rev. — Barbarous imitation of the type of Hercules seated to
left, holding club in his extended right, and resting
his left hand on seat.

Barbarous imitation of Greek letters, AMF .... CCC
(perhaps meant for Attambilus).

A—Size, 9 ; Weight, 140.2 grains.

The next two coins are of great interest. The first is
unique ; the second, if, as it seems probable, a cast, must
be an accurate copy of some coin which has been lost.
The last has been published by the Due de Luynes,
who has called it that of a satrap of Bactriana. He reads
the Phoenician legend as follows, substituting Hebrew
letters for their equivalent Phoenician,

and thinks therefore that the satrap's name may have

144 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

been Saripadates. The Duke is of opinion, that the type
has been retouched by some inexperienced artist, but
that the legend has remained intact : that some other
Phoenician letters, which follow, may be intended for
a date, and may, perhaps, be read 104; and that if so,
the date refers to the era of Cyrus, and the coin itself to
a period corresponding with B.C. 432. I confess that I am
not satisfied with this ingenious hypothesis of the Due de
Luynes. In the first place, the type which is evidently
that of a priest, or magus, standing before a fire altar,
suggests a period as late as that of the Arsacidae, if not of
the Sassanian rulers ; and, secondly, we have no evidence
from history, and not much reason to expect from any
other source, that Bactriana, at a period so early as the
commencement of the Peloponnesian war, had any mone-
tary system from which such a coin could issue. The
whole character of the work appears to me more recent ;
probably not earlier than the time of Alexander, perhaps
later. None of the money of any of the Bactrian rulers,
which are undoubted, bears any resemblance that I
can perceive to this coin; the earlier ones being un-
doubtedly of Greek origin, and the later exhibiting un-
mistakable proofs of the Indian connexion. It is more
probable that this specimen, and the next, belong to that
class, which has been called by Sir Henry Rawlinson,
Sub-Parthian.

Of this class, there must have been several varieties,
and it is not impossible, that a portion of the legend on
the second of these coins may be, as has been suggested,
in the Palmyrene character, about which little is at present
made out. The first of these coins was obtained many
years ago by the late J. R. Steuart, Esq. ; the second, has
been lately forwarded from Baghdad, by Capt. Jones.

COINS, CHIEFLY GREEK, PROM THE EAST. 345

Described in order, the coins are as follow : —

Obv. — Head of the king to right, wearing a cap of peculiar
form, with a long lappet extending over his neck ;
round the head a narrow fillet ; on upper lip, a
long curling moustachio ; on chin, a beard which
is clipped close ; neck bare.

to right of fire altar.
under fire altar.

Rev. — The king standing to the left of a large fire altar,
wearing a long Oriental dress which reaches to his
feet, and the same cap as on obverse. His right
hand is extended towards the altar. To right of
altar is a standard.

&.— Size, 1\ ; Weight, 236.2. Fig. 6.

Described in order, the coins are as follows : —

Obv. — Head of the king to right, wearing a cap of peculiar
form, with a long lappet extending over his neck ;
round the head, narrow fillet ; on upper lip, a
long curling moustachio; on chin, beard which
is clipped close ; neck bare.

Rev. — The king, seated to left, wearing a long Oriental dress
which reaches to his feet; on head, the same cap
he wears on the obverse ; in right hand, a long
spear ; in left, a cap ; before him, in the field,
a standard.

atBnamman behind chair.

Arphaxad ? t^JS'lN in front of chair.

M.— Size, 7| ; Weight, 256.5 grains. Pig. 7.

I have engraved the two following coins ; the first pro-
cured by Capt. Jones, and the second from the National
Collection, and in illustration of those I have just de-
scribed. I think there can be no reason to doubt that
these and similar specimens, of which several exist in the
cabinet of the Museum, have been rightly called Sub-
Parthian, meaning by that title, the money of local

VOL. XVIII. U

146 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

dynasties, who lived and ruled in the East under the
shadow of the great Arsacidan empire.

Their individual description is as follows : —

Obv. — Head of the king to right, wearing a cap of peculiar
shape, which projects much in front of the face,
and has a long cheek plate extending to neck ;
on upper lip, long thin moustachio.

The king standing to left of a large fire altar, holding bow in
left hand, which rests on the ground, with his right raised and
extended towards the altar.

Rev, — film* to right of fire altar.

under fire altar.
to left of fire altar,

^fi.— Size, 54 ; Weight, <>4.7 grains. Fig. 8.

This coin, which is deeply dished, has apparently been
struck upon another.
. The next represents —

Obv. — The head of the king to right, wearing a head-dress
similar to the last, but without any inscription.

/Jet,. — An archer kneeling on his right knee to right, and
holding in his right hand a dart, and in his left a
bent bow.

ize, 1J ; Wt. 8.9. Fig. 9.

This specimen has this additional interest, that from its
type it is evidently a link between those which we have
called Sub-Parthian and the Darics of Persia Proper. As
exhibiting the peculiar type of each of these classes, we
may presume, that the ruler to whom it belonged, must
have had dominion over some portion of the Persian
empire.

The next coin to which I shall the attention of the
society, is one of the class which has been usually termed
Persian darics, and which exhibits the remarkable pecu-

COINS, CHIEFLY GREEK, FROM THE EAST. 147

.liarity of a Greek inscription on its obverse. It may be
described as follows : —

Obv. — IJYOArOPH . . . King to the right, kneeling on his
right knee : in his right hand, a long spear, and in
his left a bent bow.

Rev. — An unintelligible figure, which, however, Mr. Payne
Knight, to whom the coin formerly belonged, has
called " quadratum incusum intus ornatum"
ignotum per ignotius.

&.— Size, 6 ; Wt. 228.1. Fig. 10.

The type is not uncommon, and the Museum has three
other specimens exactly similar to it, both on the obverse
and on the reverse. The occurrence of the Greek inscrip-
tion has never yet been explained ; nor, indeed, have I ever
seen a satisfactory suggestion on this subject. Lately,
however, an inscription has been met with which seems to
me to throw much light on this difficulty, and to suggest
a probable meaning for the occurrence of this name in a
foreign language and character upon a coin, in other
respects, unquestionably, Oriental, and in all probability
Persian. In the course of the years 1851-2, Mr. Wm.
Kenneth Loftus, to whom this country is indebted for
excavations carried on in Southern Babylonia, with no less
zeal than those which were made by Mr. Layard, some
years before, in Assyria, was employed under the direc-
tion of Sir Henry Rawlinson, in investigating the ruins
of Susa, the Shushan of the Prophet Daniel. In
the course of some excavations, which he made at this
place, on what lie has called the ' " Central Platform,"
he dug through a slight conical protuberance, caused
by some Arab graves at the edge of the mound. Im-
mediately under these, at the depth of 10 feet, was the

148 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

base of a small column, in dark blue limestone. The
following measurements give an idea of its size : —

Pedestal 7 inches high, 3 feet 9 inches square.

Plinth 7 „ „ 2 „ 2 „

Torus 5 „ „ 2 „ 5 „ diameter.

On it was observed the following Greek inscription, in
letters two-thirds of an inch in length, extending along
the left corner on the north side of the pedestal : —

flYGArOPAS APISTAPXoY
SaMATo*YAA2r APPHNEIAHN
APPENEIAoY TON STPATHFON
THS ZOYSIANHS TON EAYToY *IAON

which may be translated, " Pythagoras, the son of Arist-
archus, captain of the body-guard, (in honor of) his
friend Arreneides, son of Arreneides, Governor of Su-
siana." Not the least curious circumstance in relation to
this monument is, that the epitaph is upside down, and
has all the appearance of having been cut while the
column stood as it does at present. Mr. Loftus states that
the letters are sharp and unworn, presenting a remarkable
contrast with the aspect of the column itself, which, from
the remains of polish on its broken edges, is manifestly
of much greater antiquity. About the date of the build-
ing itself to which the column belonged, there can be no
reasonable doubt, as the names of Xerxes and Artaxerxes,
that is, between B.C. 464 and 335.

I think there can be but little doubt, that this coin
refers to this same Pythagoras. As a commander of Per-
sian troops, he would naturally make use of the usual
Persian coin, the daric ; and as leader of Greek troops,

COINS, CHIEFLY GREEK, FROM THE EAST. 149

under Persian rule, he would probably be allowed to place
his own name upon the Persian coins which were struck
chiefly for the use of his own troops. It may be remarked,
that there is a difficulty about the Greek of the inscription;
the form IlYGArOPH being quite unusual; we should
naturally have expected meAFOPOY. It is not easy to
understand why the customary form of all such legends
has been omitted or dispensed with.

The next coins to which I shall call the attention of
the society are two, for which the country is indebted to
the researches of Sir Henry Rawlinson. They belong to
Molon, Satrap of Media, and are undoubtedly unique.

They may be described as follows : —

MOLON — SATRAP OF MEDIA.

Obv. — Bearded head of Zeus to right, wearing a wreath or vitta
of laurel leaves.

Rev.— BASIAE^S MOAftNOS. A figure apparently that of a
female, dran^d to the feet, walking to right, and
carrying in her hand a lyre.

In field P., probably, the remains of the Seleucid
date, 189, 190, 191, or 192, corresponding with
B.C. 223, etc. This being the only period during
which Molon could have assumed the title of

JE.— Size, 5; Wt.117. Fig. 12.

MOLON — SATRAP OF MEDIA.
Obv. — Female head to right, within a dotted circle.

Rev.— BASIAEii . . . MOAftNOS. Figure of Victory walking
to left, holding in extended right hand, a wreath,
and in left, a palm-branch. In field, to left, mono-
gram, M ?

JE.— Size, 4J ; Wt 66. Fig. 11.

150 NUMISMATIC CHROVICLE.

The history of Molon is recorded by Polybius (Hist, v.,
40 — 54). It appears from him, that Molon was appointed
by Antiochus the Great the Satrap of Media soon after
the accession of that monarch (B.C. 223, his brother
Alexander being, at the same time, created Satrap of
Persis ; but, that, not long after, these two chiefs, despis-
ing the youth of the king, and being afraid of Hermeias,
a Carian, who had risen to great power by the favour of
Seleucus, the brother of Antiochus, raised the standard
of revolt, in which attempt they were greatly aided by the
ill-feeling which existed between Hermeias and Epigenes,
who had returned with the troops of Seleucus from the
East, after that king's death.

On hearing of the revolt, the king by the advice of Her-
meias, despatched troops under Xeno and Theodotus to
oppose the rebels ; while Hermeias, .at the same time, recom-
mended the king himself to seize on Coele-Syria. But Molo
and his brother were equal to the difficulties of their position.
At once rousing the tribes in their neighbourhood, partly by
the exhibition of forged letters purporting to convey menaces
from the king, and partly by the promise of large rewards,
they collected a considerable army, compelled the royal
generals to retreat, and made themselves masters of Apol-
loniatis. The power of Molon was not to be underrated.
He was already in possession of Media, at that period,
probably the most valuable province of Western Asia,
rich, as it was, in cattle and stores of every kind, which
would be of value to a warlike people. On the highway
between the East and West, it was so placed as naturally
to rest on the Caspian Sea to the North, and on Persis
to the South. Moreover, it was divided and intersected
in all directions by chains of lofty mountains, difficult, at
any season, to be passed by an army encumbered by the

COINS, CHIEFLY GREEK, FROM THE EAST. 151

munitions of war, and capable of being held by its own
warlike population against almost any odds. Resting on
such a basis for his retreat, Molon appears at once to have
pushed on and to have overrun the whole plain country
to the east of the Tigris. Failing, however, in his attempt
to cross that river, on which an efficient fleet was kept,
under the command of Xeuxis, he fell back to his camp
before Seleucia, where he went into winter quarters.

On intelligence of these events reaching Antiochus, he
proposed at once to march against Molo, but Hermeias
having given a different opinion, and having, by treachery,
put to death Epigenes, Xenotas was sent against the
rebel chief, and the king himself marched to Apameia,
and from that place to Laodicea. It would seem that
Xenotas was singularly unfit for the office in which he was
placed; for, despising the bravery of Melon's troops and
the strength of his position, he at once determined to
cross the river and to attack Molon in his camp. Having
made this determination, he crossed with his best troops
and took up a position ten miles below Melon's camp, on
a spot nearly surrounded by the river or its marshes.
Molon, on hearing of this step, at once sent forward his
horse, who slew many of the troops of Xenotas while
crossing, and threw the remainder into confusion. Upon
this, Xenotas advanced against the main army of his
opponent, who, in his turn, fell back, and made as though
he was retiring to Media. Xenotas fell into the trap, and
allowed his troops to rest themselves, while he, at the
same time, appears to have set no watch ; the result was,
that in the middle of the night Molon returned, cut
his troops to pieces, slew Xenotas, and crossing the river
subsequently, without opposition, carried the city of
Seleucia by storm, Xeuxis, who was then in command,

152 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

having betaken himself to flight. From Seleucia, Molon
overran the rest of Babylonia to the head of the Persian
Gulf; but though he captured the town, he was not able
to seize the citadel of Susa.

The formidable character which the rebellion had now
assumed, determined Antiochus at length to march in
person against Molon. He, therefore, wintered at An-
tiocheia, in Mygdonia, B.C. 220, and with the spring of the
year he crossed the Tigris, by the advice of Xeuxis, and
descended to the South against the rebel general, who,
himself, advanced against the king. Antiochus succes-
sively took and occupied Dura, Oreicus, and Apollonia.
The plan of Molon was by rapidly crossing the Tigris, to
reach the hill country of Apolloniatis before it could be
seized by the royal troops. In this endeavour, however,
he was not successful. A battle shortly after ensued, in
which' Molon and his army were completely overthrown,
and the rebellion was crushed. Molou and his immediate
followers fell by their own hands ; and, not long after, his
brother Neolaus, who had fled to Persis, and Alexander,
the Satrap of that province, committed suicide in pre-
ference to falling into the power of the king. Antiochus,
as an example to future rebels, had the body of Molon
transported into Chalonitis, and affixed to a cross on one
of the higher peaks of the Mons Zagros.

These coins have already been noticed by Colonel Leake,
in his " Numismata Hellenica," who has described them
from impressions given him by Mr. Burgon.

W. S. W. VAUX.

. v<,i.xviir.p.m

CREEK COINS.

VoZ.JVJL'.,

C REEK COINS

155

XIV.

ON THE ATTRIBUTION OF CERTAIN ANCIENT
BRITISH COINS TO ADDEDOMAROS.

I HAVE the pleasure of laying before the Numismatic
Society the result of my investigations into certain classes
of ancient British coins, the inscriptions on which, even
where they have been recognised at all, have only been
read in part ; but which I am now, by the comparison of
a considerable number of specimens, enabled to complete,
and thus bring them together under one head, and still
farther attribute them, with some degree of certainty, to a
prince, whose name, as it appears on the coins, was
Addedomaros.

The classes of coins to which I allude are three in
number, the first of which has hitherto been regarded as
uninscribed, and agrees in type with Ruding, PI. II.
No. 40 ; the second may be represented by Ruding, PI. II.
No. 35 ; and the third by Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. XIV.
PI. I., No. 1. These latter have been considered to read
ADDII, or even A6ORI. I have, however, engraved
specimens of each in the accompanying plate, which I
shall now proceed to describe and comment upon, premis-
ing that Nos. 1, 2, and 3, belong to the first class; Nos. 4
and 5 to the second ; and No. 6 to the third class.

The obverse of No. 1 presents a singular ornament, con-
sisting of two crescents back to back, the cusps retorted
and terminating in pellets; in the interior of each a
chevron-shaped compartment enclosing five pellets ; a
pellet in each angle between the crescents. This, like
both the succeeding types, appears to have been derived

VOL. XVIII. X

156 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

through a series of imitations, each differing more widely
from its prototype, from the wide-spread head of Apollo
on the earliest British coins. On the reverse is a horse to
the right, his tail branched, with a ring ornament on his
hind-quarters ; above, a sort of rose and a ring ornament ;
beneath, a branch and a ring ornament ; and in front and
behind, two similar ornaments connected in the form of
an S. The legend commences at the bottom, and runs
from left to right, beneath and in front of the horse, as
follows, ADDEDOMAROS, but the tops of the letters only
are visible, the die having, as usual with British coins,
been much too large for the blank. Different specimens
of this type vary in the number of leaves forming the
rose, and in the other adjuncts. The coin here engraved
is of red gold, weighing 86 grains, and in my collection.
I have another nearly similar, weighing 85 £ grains, but I
am not not aware of the locality where either of them was
found.

The ornament on the obverse of No. 2 is nearly similar
to that on No. 1, biit the reverse varies in having a branch
of three leaves above the horse, and in front a ring orna-
ment between three pellets, while below is a square
crossed diagonally, and resembling the supposed1 phalerae
on Gaulish coins. Around runs the legend AB&EDO-
MAROS. This coin, which is of reddish gold, weighing
21 £ grains, was formerly in the collection of the late
Mr. Cuff, but is now in the British Museum. In the
same collection is another specimen of the same module,
but differing in having a wheel under the horse. It shows
merely the ADD of the legend, and is engraved, though
imperfectly, in Ruding, PI. II. No. 41. Its weight is 19

i Nnm. Chron. Vol. XIII. p. 147.

ANCIENT BRITISH COINS OF ADDEDOMAEOS. 157

grains, so that these pieces must have represented the
fourth part of the value of those of the larger size.

No. 3 closely resembles No. 1, but has a wheel instead
of the rose under the horse. The chevrons also on the
obverse terminate in ring ornaments instead of the usual
pellets ; of the legend the upper part of ADDEDO is all
that is legible. This coin is of yellow gold, weighing
85 grains, and found near Norwich. It is now in my own
collection.

Nos. 4 and 5 present on the obverse a star-shaped orna-
ment, composed of six curved wreaths, or, as a herald
might term them, torses enclosed by lines on either side,
and diverging from three crescents in the centre. The
interior of these crescents is formed by a series of grooves
or hollows side by side, which give it a curved or rather
invecked outline. In each of the spaces between the
wreaths is usually a pellet and a ring ornament, and the
whole is enclosed within a beaded circle, of which never
more than a small portion is seen on the coins. On the
reverse is a horse to the right, with a long tail ; above,
an ornament somewhat like a bucranium, but, in fact,
composed of three similar indescribable figures closely
resembling the nose and mouth of the horse, combined
into a star with three pellets; beneath the tail a ring
ornament, and below the horse what may be called a
cornucopise, with three pellets above. The legend runs
the reverse way from that on the preceding coins, and
varies on different specimens from A96IIDOM to
ADDIIDOM, but on no single coin have I ever found the
legend complete. No. 4 is of reddish gold, in my own
collection, and No. 5 in that of Mr. Bergne. They weigh
844 and 86| grains respectively. I have another specimen
weighing 87 grains.

158 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

No. 6 is also in my own collection, and was found near
Cambridge in the year 1851. It is of reddish gold, weigh-
ing 87 grains, and has already been engraved, but inaccu-
rately, in the Archa3ological Association Journal, vol. vii.
p. 122. As I have already observed, a similar coin will be
found engraved in the Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. XIV.
p. 71, the weight of which is 86 £ grains. On the obverse
is a cruciform ornament with two crescents in the centre,
bearing a considerable resemblance to the device on some
of the coins of Tasciovanus. On the reverse is a horse to
the right ; beneath, a wheel and pellet ; and above, a ring
ornament, with the legend ADDIID.

We have then here three distinct types of coins, one
embracing coins of two modules, all of which, however,
appear from their legend to be referable to one source.
That source I have at the outset declared to be, in my
opinion, the mint of a prince, or regulus, bearing the name
of Addedomaros, whose coins will, for the future, form a
not unimportant class among the ancient British coins,
and the number of uninscribed types be materially re-
duced, and our system of classification enlarged, if this
attribution be adopted.

It may, indeed, be urged against me, that the inscrip-
tions on none of these coins are sufficiently distinct to
warrant me in the assertion, that any such legend as
ADDEDOMAROS is to be found upon them. To this I
reply, that, having examined all the specimens I have
been able to meet with, indeed, I might say, almost every
coin that is known of these types, I am convinced of the
correctness of my reading, those letters which are deficient
or doubtful on one coin being supplied or made clear by
others of the same type, except, indeed, the M on the
first type, of which I should have had some slight doubts

ANCIENT BRITISH COINS OF ADDEDOMAROS. 159

if the legend had been found only on coins of that type,
on no specimen of which have I been able to meet with
more than portions of a letter where the M is supposed to
be. On coins, however, of the second type, where the
legend would appear never to go beyond ADDEDOM, the
final M is occasionally quite distinct, though even on some of
these it has more the appearance of a double A than of an M.

Assuming, therefore, the legend to be ADDEDOMAROS,
I think there can be no doubt that it should be regarded
as the name of a prince and not that of a people, the ter-
mination MAROS or MARVS being, as far as is known,
among Celtic tribes restricted to the names of persons;
at the same time that the reading ADDEDOMAROS on
these coins is completely borne out by the analogy of the
well known Gaulish names Indutiomarus and Viridomarus.
That the A of the penultimate is short, and not (as from
its possible derivation from " Mawr," great, I should have
felt inclined to pronounce it) long, must be conceded from
this passage of Propertius (iv. 10, 41) : —

Virdomari genus hie Rheno jactabat ab ipso.

Unless, indeed, this was a poetical license, taken with a
word which otherwise " versu dicere non est."

It is worthy of remark, that we find the letter D on these
coins under various forms, varying from a complete 9 to
a barred ]?, like the Anglo-Saxon £>, and passing on from
that to the ordinary Roman D, a peculiarity which has been
remarked on other British coins. If, as has been supposed
from a passage in Csesar1, the Druids used to employ
Greek letters, their appearance in such a case as this is
not be wondered at, and the rather as a mixture of Greek
with Latin letters, so frequently occurs on Gaulish coins,

1 De Bello Gallico vi. 14.

160 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

and especially when we remember that even now among
the Welch the double D has the sound of the Greek 9.

It is also to be remarked that the E of ADDEDOM is
on two of the types supplanted by a double I, a substitu-
tion of very frequent occurrence on Gaulish and British,
and occasionally to be observed on Roman coins.1

With regard to the part of England that formed the
territory of Addedomaros, there is hardly sufficient evi-
dence of the localities where his coins have been found, to
justify anything beyond mere conjecture. The discovery
of No. 3 near Norwich, and No. 6 near Cambridge, com-
bined with the resemblance of the ornament on the obverse
of the first type to that of some uninscribed gold coins
discovered in Norfolk, and the correspondence of the
branched tail of the horse, and the barred £, with those
on some of the small Icenian silver coins, tend, however,
to prove that Addedomaros was a prince of the Iceni.
Whether the three types of coins were the contempora-
neous issue of as many different mints, or whether they
succeeded each other, and if so, in what order, must
remain an open question. If, as is the more probable, the
various types were issued at different periods of his reign,
I am inclined to think that their order of succession was
the same as that in the plate.

Their weight, which ranges from 84 to 87 grains, the
majority being about 86 grains, points to an early date
among the inscribed coins — those of Cunobeline rarely
exceeding 84 grains. We may, therefore, safely place
the era of Addedomaros prior to that of Cunobeline.8
The termination OS instead of VS is also indicative of this

» See Num. Ohron. Vol. XVIII. p. 50.
2 See Num. Chron. XV. p. 107, etc.-

JVu

COINS OF ADDEDOMAROS ?

ANCIENT BRITISH COINS OF ADDEDOMAROS. 161

earlier date. The test of weight must not, however, be
implicitly relied on, without taking the locality of the
coins into consideration, as it is probable that the weight
would be diminished first in those parts of Britain where
there was the most commerce and civilization.

Now that these hitherto unappropriated types have been
connected together, their legend completed, and their attri-
bution suggested, it is to be hoped that the localities where
any specimens may be found will be recorded, as it will be
from numismatic evidence alone that whatever is to be
known of Addedomaros will have to be gathered. Authentic
history is silent concerning any such prince, and though
in the traditional ^Edd-mawr, or 2Edd the Great, of the
Welch chroniclers, we may recognise the identity of the
name, as in Caradoc we may trace Caractacus, and in
Dyfnwal or Dunwallo, Dubnovellaunus, yet even if we were
willing to take these mythic effusions for history, there
appears to be nothing recorded of ^Edd-mawr, except that
he was one of the progenitors of a long line of British
kings, who are assumed to have reigned in this island, for
ages before the art of coining was introduced, and even

before it had been invented.

JOHN EVANS.

Jan. 28, 1856 .

XV.

ERRORS RESPECTING THE COINAGE OF THE
ANCIENT CELTIC KINGS OF BRITAIN.

IT will probably be expected of me, that I should take
some notice of Mr. Beale Posters so-called "correction"
of my " errors respecting the coinage of the ancient Celtic

162 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

Kings of Britain," and I accordingly take this opportunity
of saying a few words in reply ; not that I intend, on the
present occasion, to combat any of Mr. Poste's singular
theories concerning ancient British coins, but only to
set right his statements as to certain matters of fact,
which, if left uncontradicted, might prejudice the cause
of truth.

With regard to the coins on which Mr. Poste so
perse veringly reads TASC FIR. I see nothing to modify
or add to what I have already said on that subject,1 I
therefore merely repeat, that what on Mr. Wigan's coin
has been taken for an R, is, in my opinion, nothing more
than a straight stroke, honeycombed, and that whether it
formed part of an L or an R, or any other letter, must be
determined from other specimens.

I shall not, in support of this opinion, adduce, like
Mr. Poste, the names of distinguished collectors who have
been willing to see with my eyes, but venture to flatter
myself that my reading, at all events, of a British coin,
after the years of especial attention which I have devoted
to that class of coins, is as likely to be correct as that
of others whose eyes may probably not be so familiar
with the ancient British coinage.

But I must at once proceed to the point which has been
the main cause of my making any reply to Mr. Poste's
comments.

That gentleman, well knowing that the well-established
existence of the legend CVNOBELINVS TASCIIOVANII. F.
was fatal to his theory of the inscription on these coins
denoting " the money of Cunobeline, the Ruler/' which
cannot stand, if the name of Cunobeline appears in the

1 Num. Chron , Vol. XVIII. p. 39.

COINS OF ANCIENT CELTIC KINGS OF BRITAIN. 163

nominative, followed by Tasciovanus in the genitive, hut
wholly rests on the supposition of there being two genitive
cases in apposition, broadly states1 : —

1st. That there is, in the British Museum, no such type
of Cunobeline, with the galeated head and sow, as that
I mentioned, reading CVNOBELINVS on the obverse,
and TASCIIOVANI. F. on the reverse.

2nd. That no authentic coin with the genitive form
TASCIIOVANI on the reverse, reads anything else than
the genitive form, also CVNOBELINI, or some indi-
cation of a genitive, where a contraction is used, on the
obverse.

3rd. That I have misread my coin ; or else,

4th. That it is not genuine ; or,

5th. That there may have been a casual error of the
artist committed when the die was engraved.

Let us take these statements seriatim, and see what
amount of truth there is in them : —

1st. With regard to the Museum coin to which
Mr. Poste has called attention. Since reading his
remarks, I have taken an opportunity of examining it,
and find that the legend is certainly CVNOBELINVS,
though I acknowledge the two final letters to be indis-
tinct. This reading rests by no means solely on my own
authority, as it is engraved as CVNOBELINVS in the
Monumenta Historica Britannica, pi. i. 18 j and also by
Basire, in the Numismatic Chronicle, Vol. VII. pi. v. 3; and
in Akerman's Coins of Cities and Princes, pi. xxiv. No. 2.
Mr. Birch does not disavow this reading as is affirmed by
Mr. Poste, but inserts two dots after CVNOBELIN . .
to signify two uncertain letters, and goes on to say

i Num. Chron. XVIII. pp. 108,109.

VOL. XVII f. Y

]64 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

that "Taylor Combe, and Ruding have rendered it
CVNOBELINI in the genitive on the obverse; but the
last letter is wanting, and may be a U, since on all
coins where the legend is distinct and full, we have
CVNOBELINVS REX. ... I consequently read, Cuno-
belinus Tasciovani filius." But let it have been engraved
and read in any way, the legend upon the coin itself is
CVNOBELINVS.

2nd. That " no authentic coin with the genitive form
Tasciovani on the reverse, reads anything else than the geni-
tive form, also Cunobelini, or some indication of a genitive,
when a contraction is used, on the obverse," is completely
disproved by the Museum coin, and, as we shall presently
see, by my own coin. As to the indication of a genitive,
I am at a loss to know what Mr. Poste can mean. I
might, with far better reason, reply that no coin with
Cunobelinus, or Cunobelinus Rex, on the obverse, reads
anything else than Tasciovani in the genitive, or "some
indication" of a genitive, where a contraction is used, on
the reverse.

3rd. But I have misread my coin. Mr. Poste can judge
of the probability of this from an impression that I have
sent him of the coin. It is in such perfect preservation
that it is impossible for any one to make a mistake in
reading it.

4thly. If read correctly, it may not be genuine. I
can only say that I never saw a coin with less cause for
suspicion about it. Its patina, weight, workmanship, and
the manner in which it came into my possession, all place
its authenticity beyond a doubt.

But othly, still, after all, the artist made a mistake in
engraving Cunobelinus, instead of Cunobelini, on my
coin, into which error the engraver of the die of the

COINS OF ANCIENT CELTIC KINGS OP BRITAIN. 165

Museum coin has also fallen. It seems hard not to
concede even this last resource to which Mr. Poste
is driven for the sake of his theory; but I am
afraid the probabilities against such an error having
occurred in the only two dies known of a type are nearly
infinite, especially when the careful finish given to the
whole work is taken into account — the coins being worthy
of any Roman mint.

The legend CVNOBELINVS TASCIOVANI F. must
therefore be regarded as established beyond a doubt ; and
as " the formula of the two genitives" must now be given
up, it remains for Mr. Poste to discover for the above
some other interpretation than "The Money of Cunobeliue,
the Ruler of the Belgge."

As to the F representing " Firbolgi," either here, or on
the coins inscribed COM. F, I reserve giving in my
adhesion to such a doctrine, until "Credo, quia impos-
sible," has become a dogma in Numismatics.

JOHN EVANS.

Feb. 6, 1856.

XVI.
ON THE COINS OF GERMANUS.

THE recent letter of Mr. Beale Poste ' in the Numismatic
Chronicle, explaining his views of the interpretation of the
legends of certain British coins, induces me once more to
refer to some coins which resemble in reading those of
Cunobelin. I shall not again enter upon a defence of the
reading which I formerly proposed, and to which I still

1 Numismatic Chronicle, 1855, p. 105.

166 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

adhere, leaving to time and the future discovery of better
preserved coins, the decision whether the supposed legends
of TASOFIR are to be read TASOFIL or TASOFI-R. The
instance cited by Mr. Evans of a new type reading
Tasciovantis,2 can only be considered as an another
mode of declining Tasciovani, adopted by a barbarous
people, partially acquainted with the language of their
rulers. For it is difficult to believe that they should not
only have introduced a Celtic synonym for the Latin Rex,
upon their coins, but latinised it at the same time. Such
a fact would be a prodigy in the history of language,
and in the annals of the British mint.

It is, of course, possible that F might stand for some
other word than filius, although the probabilities against
it, when it occurs after a preceding word in the genitive,
are so great that they would deter many bold critics from
entertaining it ; and as there is no Latin word commencing
with F, which reads in harmony with the sense, it has been
found necessary to invent some supposed Romano-Gaelic
forms for the express purpose of making the theory even
plausible. But my inquiry at present is directed to the
well-known coins reading Germanus Indutilli f or / which
resemble in their legends those of Cunobelin, and for
which I propose a new explanation. Like the coins of
Cunobelin, those of Germauus are distinguished for the
excellence of their fabric, and are some of the best of the
German or Celtic mints. They are always of bronze, and
resemble the better specimens of the denarii of Augustus,
and are admitted to be of the Augustan age. Their type,
indeed, is a direct imitation of those struck in honour of
Julius Caesar, by the moneyer, Q. Voconius Vitulus, and

2 Numismatic Chronicle, 1855, p. 43.

ON THE COINS OF GERMANUS. 167

those of Augustus, reading Augustus divi filius.3 On one
side they have a diademed head, the hair gathered up
behind in a peculiar manner, and long and fine. This
head is probably intended for the personification of Gallia
or Germanus; on the other, is the butting bull, a type
difficult to explain satisfactorily, but which is one of
the commonest of the types of Augustus. The name
Germanus, in the field above the bull, is undoubted, and
occurs, in full on all well preserved specimens, but that of
the exergue has been the cause of various readings.
Eckhel4 reads INDVTII III. Duchalais and Miounet5
GERMANUS INDVTILII. Lelewell6 INDVTILLIL. Mr.
Burgon? and Mr. Oldfield8 INDVTILLIF; but a careful
(not negligent) examination of several of these pieces, proves
that they read INDVTILLI'L. As the whole question of
meaning turns on the reading, a reference to the carefully
engraved representation of this coin on the plate accom-
panying Mr. Oldfield' s paper,9 will shew how the letters are
arranged, and as the practised judgment of Mr. Burgon is
of the highest importance upon such a point, it is necessary
to state his opinions as to the reading of the final letter.
An examination of several specimens of these coins con-
vinced Mr. Burgon that all the coins on which the final
letter resembled an L, were from the same die, and it
appeared to him at the time that this final letter was an I,
or an upright bar and stop, and that the L form was owing

3 Duchalais, Description des Medailles Gauloises, 8vo., Paris,
1846, p. 66, 438.

4 Doct. Num., Vet. i. p. 63.
s Suppl.i.157.

6 Type Gauloise, p. 247, PI. iv. 25.

7 Sale Cat., Pembr. Coll., p. 63, note to Lot 276.
s Num.Chron.,Vol.XV.p.ll6.

9 Num. Chron., Vol. XV. pi. 10, p. 109.

168 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

to a flaw in the die, by which the two I's had run, as it
were, together. A comparison of the coins of the period
proved to him that the letters were often so incorrectly
formed, that the I might stand for another letter than I,
and as on those of Augustus already mentioned, of which
they are positive copies, the final letter was an F, he
inclined to the idea that those of Germanus used the same
formula. So that while Augustus boasts himself the " son
of the divine," or Julius Caesar, so Germanus derives his
descent from Indutillus, a chief unfortunately unknown to
fame. Mr. Poste has claimed the priority of this reading
for M. Johanneau.10

Those who have followed the reading of INDVTILLIL
have generally supposed that the coins were struck by
Induciomarus, chief of the Treveri,11 and that this word is
the numismatic form of the name of that chief.12 They
have also conjectured, that while the name Germanus is
purely Latin, that of Indutillilil is some Gaelic or Celtic
name, which has not been subjected to Latin euphony.13
The word Germanus they have either entirely neglected, or
else considered the ethnic form of the German Inducio-
marus, or even conjectured that Germanus and Inducio-
marus were duumviri. The ridiculous readings of Tristan,14
that it means Germania Indutia, of Havercamp15 and

10 Num. Chron., 1855, p. 114.

11 Eckhel, p. 78, Lelewel, /. c., Mr. Poste, I. c., and Senckler,
Jahrbuch des Vereins von Alterthumsfreunde, 8vo., Bonn. 1849,
Bd. xi. pp.44, 47 ; Bayer, Observ. et Conject, p. 47, and foil.

12 Caesar de Bello Gallico, v. 3, etc., Cicero pro Fonteio.

13 So Lelewel, and then Mr. Poste, in their descriptions and
allusions to this coin.

14 No. IV. p. 27.

18 Thes. Mor.i. p. 470. Jobert reads INDICTION, Sc. des
Med. i. p. 133 ; Binadi, Thes. 460 ; and Akerman, Ancient Coins,
p. 183.

ON THE COINS OF GERMANUS. 169

Hardouin,16 which are still more strange, are not worth
recording. The question, in fact, is narrowed to the final
letter being F or L. I consider that it more nearly resem-
bles an L. The name of Indutillus is one of which there are
many formed in the same manner in the Gallic series,
such as those of Epillus,17 or Ippillus,18 of Pictilos, Pixtil-
lus, or Pistillus,19 of Atpilus,20 Giamilos,21 and Tambilus,*2
while the Latin inscriptions of Gaul present Istatilus,23 and
the still nearer Crecillus.24 That these names contain in
themselves the form of Celtic words which end in il or eil,
such as Neil, Lochiel, is, evident, and that the Romans
have euphonised them upon the diminutives of their
nouns, in illus, or ilium, generally diminutives, is equally
clear. For even the names ending in ilos or ilus of the Celtic
series, can only be considered as cognate forms to those
which terminate in the Latin illus. Such diminutives,
which recall the language of camps rather than of courts,
were probably given by the commanders of the troops on
the frontiers to the Gallic chiefs, the allies or the depen-
dents of Rome, in their official intercourse, and were
readily adopted when it became an honour to repose under
the shade of the R/oman power, and ceased to be a senti-
ment of patriotism to contest its strides to universal empire.
The first part of the name of Indutillus bears sufficient

16 Opp. Sel.p.718.
. i?, is Duchalais, Med.Gaul., p.171.

19 For Pistillus, see the back of a statuette inscribed with this
name, in the Antiquitds trouve"es a Chatelet, 1739, pi. 1.

20 Duchalais, Med.GauL, p. 125.

21 Duchalais, Med. Gaul, p. 258.

22 Duchalais, p. 206 — 207. The correct reading of the name
of this chief has entirely swept away the reading of Ambiorix
Ambilirn, which is utterly unintelligible.

23 Grivaud de Vincellcs, Antiquites trouvdes a Chatelet, fol.,
Paris, 1819, p. 3, and foil.

s* Duchalais, Med. Gaul., p. 275.

170 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

resemblance to that of Indutiomarus to justify the suppo-
sition, that it is derived from the same source ; but it at
the same time has a strictly Latin form, taken frdm
indutus, or " invested," the term applied to every assump-
tion of the regal purple. The name of Indutillus has,
however, entirely escaped the classical authorities, and
his age can only be restored from the similarity of the
coins of Gennanus to those of Augustus. The presence
of a stop after the word Indutilli, which is evident on the
best preserved coins of Germanus shews that this word is
in the genitive case, and that the contraction after it must
have a connection with the word before it in that case. In
the case of Tasciovani it is an F ; of the other forms, Ambilil
is now recognised as an error for Tambilus or Tambilo ;
and Ebulim is uncertain ;tt and the only other read-
ing, ATPILI • I, according to Duchalais, appears from a
coin purchased at Mr. Rollin's sale, and now in the
British Museum, to be ATPILI -NS, Atpili Nepos, a form
which I think I have already detected in the legend of the
British chief Vosimos (VOSIMOS DVMNOCO[N]EPOS)
the grandson of Dumnoco.26 This last reading explains
the legends of the coins of Orgetorix,27 the celebrated
chief of the Helvetii, who styles himself the grandson of
Atpilus, probably because his father had never enjoyed
the supreme power to which he had risen through the
hereditary right he possessed from the descent of the line
of chieftains for the Celtic monarchy, or rather chieftain-
ship was hereditary, a fact distinctly stated by the later
writers,28 and which accounts for the presence of these
formulae upon their coins. It was, no doubt, this heredi-

25 Mionnet, Supp. i. p. 156 ; Eckhel, Cat. Mus. Viiue, p. 13.

26 Num. Journal,!, pi. 1, p. 109.
*7 Csesar de Bello Gall. i.

28 Cramer, Anccdot. Grace.

ON THE COINS OP GERMANUS. 171

tary right which was carefully cherished by the Romans,
who availed themselves of the dynastic questions of suc-
cession to regulate or divide the hostile tribes, and who
received or reinstated the fugitives of the Barbarian tribes
as best suited their policy or inclination.

The possibility that the letter after Indutillus is an P
has already been stated, and then Germanus, the son of
Indutillus, would be the name of the regulus of these coins.
According to Duchalais, they are principally discovered in
the east of France, and in the province of Lorraine ; and
he consequently assigns them to a chief of the Eastern
Belgse. Eckhel had already attributed them to the
Treveri, and to their chieftain, Indutiomarus ; and M.
Senckler has endeavoured to restore them to the same
prince, several having been found on the territories of the
ancient Treveri. But, even if the final letter is an L, it is
possible to read it as INDVTILLI • Itlbertus, " the freedman
of Indutillus." It appears, indeed, from Tacitus, that
the condition of liberti varied considerably in the Teu-
tonic and Celtic tribes. Among the ancient Britons liberti
appear to have held, as also amidst the free Teutonic
tribes, a very low position. "When Nero sent his freedman
Polycletus to inspect the condition of Britain, the sar-
castic historian of the empire draws a contrast between
British freedom and Roman servitude; for he states,
" Sed hostibus irrisus fuit, apud quos flagrante etiam turn
libertate nondum cognita libertorum potentia erat. Mi-
rabanturque quod dux et exercitus tanti belli confector
servitus obedirent/'29 Among the Germans, however, the
liberti were only powerless among the free tribes ; for the
same historian informs us, " Liberti non multum supra

29 Ann.xiv.39.t

VOL. XVIII. Z

172 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

servos sunt, raro aliquod momentum in domo, nunquam
in civitate, exceptis duntaxat Us gentibus quce regnantur.
Ibi enim et super ingenues et super nobiles ascendunt :
apud ceteros impares libertini libertatis argumentum
sunt."30 There is enough in these passages to show, that
in those tribes, which had a regal form of government,
and were under Roman protection, the liberti rose to the
highest offices of the state ; and it is just probable, that
successful rebellion, Roman policy, or other causes, might
have placed a Gaul or German of such a social position at
the head of some petty tribe. The Germans and Gauls
not only adopted Roman manners but names ; and in the
instance of the celebrated Arminius, it appears that his
brother bore the name of Flavius, and his nephew, who
was subsequently placed at the head of the Cherusci, that
of Italus.sl Such a name, the very counterpart of Ger-
manus, shows that it is at this period that such a chief
is to be sought. The reverse, indeed, connects it with
the Augustan age; and the bull, besides its allusion to
the name of Voconius Vitulus on the coins of Julius
Caesar, and to that of Statilius Taurus on the unplaced
coins of Augustus, may also, from its appearance on the
coins both of Augustus and Germanus, refer, as suggested
by Senckler, to Germany, or rather to the river Rhine, as
this was one of the symbolical manners by which rivers
were represented. I shall, however, consider that enough
has been advanced to show, that even L after INDVTILLI
would follow the usual law of Latin contractions, and that
after Atepili is also another Roman form ; in fact, that the
coins of this period, however barbaric in style, adopt the
Greek and Latin languages for their legends.

S. BIRCH.

30 Germania, 25. 31 Tacit. Ann. xi. 16.

173

MISCELLANEA.

ON CERTAIN TERMS USED IN NUMISMATICS. — In all sciences,
Numismatics included, precision of language is most essential.
Every thing should have a name, and each word should signify
only one thing.

What then is the proper term for that part of a coin which is
usually either milled or inscribed ? It is commonly called the
" edge," but this expression has also another meaning, for it is
often applied to the circumference of the surface of the coin.
Thus we say of a badly struck coin, " the type is partly off the
edge," and the pattern crowns of Louis XVI., by Droz, have " a
beautiful circle of fleurs de lis round the edge" ; and as this use of
the word is a popular and common one, it seems desirable to
retain it.

-Sometimes, though more rarely, we hear this part of a coin
designated " rim," which is equally objectionable, and for the
same reason, namely, because the word is often used in a totally
different sense, for instance, when we say that a coin " is set in a
silver rim."

It is certainly easier to shew how inappropriate " edge " and
" rim" are, than to find a perfect substitute. The word " edging"
signifies not the edge itself, but that which is on the edge, yet by
slightly turning the sentence, we may make it serve our purpose ;
and though the use of the term, by being thus restricted, will
become technical, it will, at least, be free from ambiguity. Thus
instead of " plain edges," we may say, " without edging," or
" edging none," and instead of " inscription on the rim, Thomas
Simon," etc., " prays," etc., " inscribed edging, Thomas Simon,"
etc.

Before quitting the subject, I may mention with regret that we
have, in England, no specimen of this peculiarly modern orna-
ment, which, for neatness and elegance, is to be compared to the
frank piece of Berthier by Droz. The proof silver of Henry IV.,
as far back as 1607, is, in this respect, equal, if not superior to
our present crowns. As to the petition on Simon's pattern, it is
to be regarded rather as curious than beautiful.

There is one other numismatic expression on which a few
observations may not be superfluous. I allude to the use of the
term "portrait to right" or "left." An author often either
explains beforehand, in which sense he intends to use the words,

174 NUMISMATIC CHRONICLE.

or else, in each case, states whether the portrait is to its own
right, or to the spectator's right. Now it is surely time that
numismatists were agreed upon so simple a point. In favour of
the word " right" meaning the right of the person who sat for
his portrait, I never heard any argument, except that the word
" dexter" is thus used by heralds. But against this there are two
arguments, either of which is sufficient to justify the contrary
iisage, and the two together ought fairly to settle the point. First,
it is unnatural and unreasonable to call upon the spectator to
imagine himself changing places with the portrait, and to see
right and left from this ideal point of view. Secondly, the
writings of the two greatest numismatic authorities, namely,
Eckhel and Mionnet, confirm and establish the more natural
phraseology, and on a mere verbal question, from their united
judgment and practice, there can be no appeal.

G. SPARKES.

N6
v.18

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